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Food security in high mountain regions: agricultural production and the impact of food subsidies in Ladakh, Northern India

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Abstract

The issues of food security and its specifics in high mountain regions are often neglected in national and international science and policy agendas. At the same time, local food systems have undergone significant transitions over the past two decades. Whereas subsistence agriculture still forms the economic mainstay in these regions, current dynamics are generally characterized by livelihood diversification with increased off-farm income opportunities and an expansion of external development interventions. A case study from Ladakh (Indian Himalayas) illustrates how changes of the political and socio-economic conditions have affected food security strategies of mountain households. In the cold, arid environment of Ladakh, where combined mountain agriculture is the dominant land use system, reduced importance of the subsistence base for staple foods is reflected in current consumption patterns. Seasonal shortfalls and low dietary diversity lead to micronutrient deficiencies, a phenomenon that has been described as “hidden hunger”. This paper describes determinants of the transition of the current food system, based on land-use analyses and quantitative and qualitative social research at the household, regional and national level. It shows how monetary income and governmental as well as non-governmental development interventions shape food security in this peripheral region. Focusing on the particular example of staple food subsidies through the Indian Public Distribution System, the paper illustrates and discusses how this national-level measure addresses food security and shows the implications for household strategies. Against the background of our findings we argue that tailor-made regional policies and programmes are needed to face the specific challenges in high mountain regions.

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Notes

  1. Until 1979, these two districts formed the conjoined district of Ladakh. Population of Leh district: 117,232. Population of Kargil district: 119,307 (Census of India 2001, accessed online, 27.08.2010: http://censusindia.gov.in/population_finder/Sub_Districts_Master.aspx?state_code=01&district_code=07)

  2. Current infrastructure developments include the construction of a tunnel at Rohthang pass near Manali with the aim of creating an all-weather road access to Ladakh by 2015 (Times of India: IANS, June 28, 2010 “Rohtang Tunnel work launched”, accessed online, 21.07.2010: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/6101013.cms).

  3. The livelihood practices of communities on the high plateau of Changthang in eastern Ladakh are instead based on nomadic pastoralism. See e.g. Ahmed (2004) and Namgail et al. (2007).

  4. In adverse conditions this road is closed. Such conditions include heavy snowfall in winter as well as bridge destructions after flash floods. Since the most recent flash flood events, in August 2010, the village cannot be directly accessed by bus. The connection to Leh thus currently includes an additional three hours trek on foot.

  5. In both locations the agricultural system was similar with identical ranges of plants that were single-cropped. Although villagers from Hemis Shukpachan have access to Leh for most of the time even during winter, this fact had no significant effect on dietary patterns as our interview data suggest. In the context of socio-economic change, the food and livelihood situation today varies much more between the different villages.

  6. Meat consumption in Buddhist households increases during the winter and is considered ethically more correct than in times of vegetable abundance. Special food recommendations exist for elderly, pregnant and ill persons.

  7. By the end of the winter, the cost of one kg of fresh vegetable (brinjal, cauliflower) is fivefold (100 IRP per kg) compared to the cost of the same vegetable during the summer (20 IRP per kg; Data from Leh 2009).

  8. See Ripley (1995) on the social relevance of chang consumption.

  9. The trade in Pashmina wool is an exception. See Ahmed (2004) for a detailed description of the Pashmina trade.

  10. The impacts of contract farming as a means of rural on-farm income generation have been discussed among researchers and development practitioners (see for example: Little and Watts 1994, Porter and Philipps-Howard 1997, Imbruce 2008).

  11. With the introduction of targeting, the government followed two objectives: Subsidies were to be for the benefit of the most vulnerable households and the overall costs of the programme were to be reduced. However, families above the poverty line continue to be granted access to food grains. The programme, de facto, still continues to work as a universal distribution system (Mooij 1999c).

  12. This article focuses on staple foods. In addition, kerosene and sometimes edible oils are provided.

  13. Procurement is especially from India’s “granaries” (Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh). See Economic Survey of India 2009–2010, p.199, accessed online, 31.08.2010:http://indiabudget.nic.in/es2009-10/esmain.htm.

  14. The criteria vary between the states, given the difference in poverty line levels. Jammu & Kashmir poverty line was at 391.26 Indian Rupees per capita, per month in 2004/2005 (based on Mixed Recall Period, Reserve Bank of India 2009, p. 288).

  15. BBC news online 18.12.2009, accessed online under: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8419799.stm

  16. In India, a fiscal year is from 1st April until 31st March of the following year.

  17. The stabilization of prices within the country and an export ban on non-basmati rice has even contributed to the further increase of international prices (Dorosh 2009).

  18. Shares of PDS staples of total consumption for statistical year 1999/2000: a) rice: 27.1% for rural population and 47% for urban population; b) wheat: 15.3% (rural) and 30.7% (urban).

  19. PDS rations are granted to Tibetan refugees, but not to migrant labourers.

  20. In individual cases, families reported having lost their ration cards, waited for a new ration card to be issued or lacked the assignment of a card e.g. due to uncompleted papers or lack of passport photographs.

  21. Compare Mooij (1999c) for the implementation of the PDS in the states of Karnataka and Bihar.

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Acknowledgements

The field survey was generously funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG) in the context of the project “Food security in Ladakh: subsistence-oriented resource utilization and socio-economic change”. An earlier version of this paper has been presented and discussed at a workshop on “Food Security in High Mountains”, organized by the Mountain Research Initiative (MRI). The authors thank Markus Giger and Susanne Wymann von Dach for their comments on the manuscript. We thank the reviewers for helpful comments and suggestions. We would like to express our gratitude to the people in Ladakh. We especially appreciate the help of Phuntsog Angmo (Hemis Shukpachan). Ravi Baghel (Heidelberg) has improved the English. We also thank Nils Harm (Heidelberg) for his contribution.

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The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

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  1. Dept. of Geography, South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University, Im Neuenheimer Feld 330, 69120, Heidelberg, Germany

    Juliane Dame & Marcus Nüsser

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  1. Juliane Dame
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Dame, J., Nüsser, M. Food security in high mountain regions: agricultural production and the impact of food subsidies in Ladakh, Northern India. Food Sec. 3, 179–194 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-011-0127-2

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