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The politics of performance evaluation: Independent evaluation at the International Monetary Fund

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Abstract

How has the Fund institutionalized independent evaluation as a means of assessing its performance? This paper process-traces the contentious creation of the Fund’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO). I use primary interviews conducted at the Fund headquarters in 2008–2010 and Fund archive documents dating back to the beginning of the debate over independent evaluation in 1992 to analyze the interaction of internal and external actors and interests that led finally to the creation of the IEO in 2001. I then comment on the ‘performance of the performance evaluator.’ I draw from a recent external evaluation of the IEO (Lissakers et al. 2006), as well as interviews and secondary sources, to identify enduring contestation over the IEO’s function and scope of authority and to discern how this has affected the ability of the IEO to inform and shape the Fund’s process and outcome performance. To this end, I discuss four issues currently facing the IEO: the need to establish both actual and perceived independence, the problems of ambiguous or non-existent metrics for assessing Fund performance, difficulties in balancing candor of evaluation reports with credibility in the eyes of multiple constituencies, and the challenges of fostering a culture of learning in the Fund.

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Notes

  1. For an excellent discussion of these issues, see Cotarelli (2005), Kapur and Webb (2006), Boorman (2008), Helleiner and Momani (2008), Boughton and Lombardi (2009), Griesgraber (2009) and Weiss (2009).

  2. By comparison, the World Bank established its Operations Evaluation Department (now the Independent Evaluation Group) in 1973 and the Asian Development Bank OED was created in 1978.

  3. See, e.g. Barnett and Finnemore (2004), Grant and Keohane (2005), Buchanan and Keohane (2006), Hawkins et al. (2006), Hurd (2007), Grigorescu (2008), Hale (2008), Weaver (2008).

  4. It is also likely that the Fund was strongly influenced by peer institutions, especially the World Bank Operations Evaluation Department (just down the street from the Fund) and the Evaluation Cooperation Groups of the Multilateral Development Banks), created in 1996.

  5. Interview with Jacques Polak, April 2007. See also Polak (1998), Wood and Welch (1998) and Welch (2004).

  6. For a full list of IEO completed reports, see http://www.ieo-imf.org/eval/eval_complete.html.

  7. See statements by Executive Director Ian Clark (Canada), IMF Archives (EBM/96/16: 57).

  8. Specifically, officials were concerned that evaluation staff wishing to return to the Fund might rationally be deterred from pushing reticent managers for sensitive information or reporting critical findings that may embarrass future bosses or client governments. See Lissakers et al. (2006: 13) and Easterly (2006).

  9. In a January 1993 Executive Board meeting, Executive Director Prader argued that any rules assigned to staff selection in an EVO must avoid the “drawback of creating the same kind of dual staff structure in the Fund, in which all the ambitious economists would try to avoid secondment to the evaluation office” (IMF Archives EBM/93/9: 26).

  10. This strongly reflected the experience of the World Bank. The World Bank created its Operational Evaluation Department (now called the Independent Evaluation Group) in 1973—one of the first to be established in a large intergovernmental organization. The OED’s history reveals a long struggle with the recruitment of staff in light of the widely held perception within the Bank that a move to the OED was “career-ending.” The World Bank ultimately abandoned its “one-way rule.” See Picciotto (2003).

  11. Interviews with IEO and Fund staff. Ahluwalia stepped down as IEO Director in 2004 to return to India as Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission. He was succeeded by David Goldsbrough as Acting Director, and then by Tom Bernes in April 2005.

  12. However, dismissal of the IEO director requires a 70% majority vote on the Board.

  13. Increasingly sophisticated quantitative analyses offer an improved understanding of IMF effectiveness but also contain many contradictory results, as one survey concludes (Steinward and Stone 2008).

  14. There have been only two country-specific reports to date from the IEO. The first was on Jordan, which had ended its relationship with the Fund prior to the evaluation and was thus considered a “safe” topic. The other was Argentina. This report was fiercely debated when it was presented to the Board. In the case of the IEO’s report on capital account crises, the discussion and publication of the report was delayed at the request of the Indonesian government and opposed by Fund management due to fears that the release of the report would adversely affect the Fund’s credibility in the East Asian countries (Lissakers et al. 2006: 16). See also IEO (2003a, 2004b, 2005a, b).

  15. Interview with John Hicklin, former Deputy Director of the IEO. Another example concerns the IEO’s report on Fiscal Adjustment in IMF-Support Programs (2003b). The IEO found little evidence to support the commonly held notion among Fund critics that Fund-supported programs adopt a “one-size-fits-all” approach, are inflexible, cause a decline in social spending, and are associated with lower growth. IEO staff expressed concern that such “positive findings” might be seen by NGOs as evidence of bias on part of the IEO, thus making its conclusions and recommendations suspect.

  16. Interviews with IEO and IMF staff; see also the IEO’s Report on IMF Technical Assistance (2005c) and IMF (2007: 42–44).

  17. Noticeably, the requirement is for the management and staff to report on the implementation of the Board-endorsed recommendations of the IEO. The Board has not always agreed with the IEO’s recommendations for policy change in the Fund. For example, the Board disagreed with the IEO’s recommendation to place a cap on conditions (to four or five per year, which is half of the current average for performance criteria and prior actions in Fund loans). On the other hand, the IEO’s report on the Fund’s exchange rate policy advice was widely supported by the Board despite a very critical reaction by the management and staff, which may promise more results in terms of change in organizational policy and practice IEO (2008: 3, 5).

  18. The first PMR, published in December 2007, was a very substantial document, which attempted to respond to all of the recommendations stemming from the first ten IEO reports. Interviews with IEO and PDR staff indicate that there was some resistance to this exercise.

  19. The Fund’s surveillance activities generally fall into three categories: bilateral surveillance of individual countries through Article IV consultations, multilateral surveillance through the World Economic Outlook Reports and Global Financial Stability Reports, and the financial sector assessment papers (FSAP) (Bernes 2008: 7).

  20. Bernes (2008: 4). Bernes specifically notes three IEO evaluations that followed up on the Crow Report: the 2003 evaluation of the Fund’s response to capital account crisis, the 2006 report on the Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP), and the 2006 report on multilateral surveillance (IEO 2003b, 2006a, b).

  21. Bernes (2008). One of the bigger points of frustration, of course, was the failure of the Fund to conduct a Financial Sector Assessment for the United States, which evaded the process because of a loophole in Fund policies which require states to “volunteer” for FSAPs. Bernes’ main point of contention here is that the Fund’s staff, management and Board had not responded to the IEO’s recommendation in its evaluation of the FSAP to use “naming and shaming” as a way to get “systemically important countries” (read: the political and economic powerhouses, such as the United States) to be part of the FSAP process, thereby undermining the very purpose of FSAP (Bernes 2008: 8). He goes on to say that a key focus on future IEO reports should be to “examine the institution’s ability to ‘speak to power’, and highlight the risks of not doing so, when the members that pose the greatest systemic risk are also the largest shareholders” (Bernes 2008: 9).

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Acknowledgments

For advice on earlier drafts of this paper, I would like to thank Tamar Gutner, Robert Keohane, Bessma Momani, Jon Pevehouse, Len Seabrooke, Randy Stone, Alex Thompson, Antje Vetterlein and Rawi Abdelal. I would especially like to thank John Hicklin and Tom Bernes at the Fund IEO, Premala Isaac at the Fund archives, and the many other Fund staff who graciously agreed to interviews. Any shortcomings and errors are entirely my own.

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Weaver, C. The politics of performance evaluation: Independent evaluation at the International Monetary Fund. Rev Int Organ 5, 365–385 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-010-9094-1

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