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Gender markedness: the anatomy of a counter-example

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Abstract

The morphological expression of gender on nouns displays a puzzling behaviour under ellipsis of nominal predicates. In some instances, it appears that gender can be ignored in the calculation of the identity/parallelism requirement. With other nouns, gender seems relevant and mismatch engenders parallelism violations. With yet a third group of nouns, there is an asymmetry—an overt masculine noun licenses ellipsis of the corresponding feminine, but not vice versa. The difference between the last two groups is exemplified by the English contrast in: John is a {waiter/#prince} and Mary is too (compare #Mary is a waitress/princess, and John is too). We examine six languages, and show that nouns for nobility/titles and kinship nouns form a systematic exception to an otherwise stable marked: unmarked opposition, and that when this class of nouns is factored out, the remaining two classes reflect the inflection/derivation distinction in the morphological realization of gender.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Linguistics, University of Connecticut, Unit 1145, 337 Mansfield Road, Storrs, CT, 06269-1145, USA

    Jonathan David Bobaljik & Cynthia Levart Zocca

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  1. Jonathan David Bobaljik
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  2. Cynthia Levart Zocca
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Correspondence to Jonathan David Bobaljik.

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Bobaljik, J.D., Zocca, C.L. Gender markedness: the anatomy of a counter-example. Morphology 21, 141–166 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-010-9156-3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-010-9156-3

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