Abstract
Recent years have seen considerable debate concerning Russian feminitives, i.e. derived formations that designate female professionals, such as advokatka, advokatša, advokatessa, ženščina-advokat or advokat-ženščina that all refer to female lawyers. In this article, we investigate the use of feminitives based on data from the Araneum Russicum Maximum corpus and the Russian National Corpus. It is shown that the choice of feminitive to some extent depends on the morphophonological properties of the base word. It is furthermore argued that suffixed feminitives are more frequent than compounds like ženščina-advokat and advokat-ženščina, and that the distribution has changed over time. Suffixed feminitives reveal a stronger tendency to combine with gender-related epithets (e.g., obajatel’naja agentka ‘charming agent’), while the type ženščina-X is frequently used with the epithet pervyj ‘first’. Our article is an empirical study of the actual use of feminitives in corpus data, which we hope will inform future metalinguistic discussion and prescriptivist thinking about feminitives in Russian.
Аннотация
В последние годы ведется активная дискуссия о русских феминитивах, т. е. о производных единицах, обозначающих женщин по роду занятий, например адвокатка, адвокатша, адокатесса, женщина-адвокат и адвокат-женщина для указания на женщину, которая занимается адвокатской деятельностью. В этой статье использование феминитивов изучается на основе данных корпуса Araneum Russicum Maximum и Национального корпуса русского языка. Мы показываем, что выбор феминитива в определённой степени зависит от морфонологических свойств производящей основы. Кроме того, мы демонстрируем, что суффиксальные феминитивы имеют более высокую частотность, чем композиты типа женщина-адвокат и адвокат-женщина, и что их распределение со временем меняется. Суффиксальные феминитивы склонны сочетаться с определениями, так или иначе связанными с гендером (напр., обаятельная агентка), в то время как тип женщина-X часто используется со словом первая. Наша статья представляет собой эмпирическое исследование феминитивов в корпусах, и можно надеяться, что полученные выводы будут полезны для дальнейших металингвистических дискуссий и для формулирования прескриптивных указаний.
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Notes
Throughout the article, we refer to feminitive formation patterns as they include both suffixation and compounding. Formations as ženščina-X are sometimes analyzed as appositive constructions, but their exact status is beyond the scope of our study.
The Araneum Russicum Maximum is available at http://unesco.uniba.sk. The Russian National Corpus can be accessed at www.ruscorpora.ru.
Masculine nouns corresponding to some of these nouns can also be formed, e.g. akušer, vyšival’ščik, etc., but they are not listed in the All-Russian Classification.
We emphasize that this is a sample of bases rather than a sample of suffixed units as in (Bobkova & Montermini, 2020).
More accurately, one should distinguish between the suffix proper and the inflectional ending linked to this suffix, e.g. -k-a. However, for the sake of brevity we will use the notation -ka, etc. throughout this paper.
Other less frequent and non-neutral compounds such as devuška-direktor ‘young.woman-director’, staruška-direktor ‘old.woman-director’, etc. were not included. This also applies to rare suffixes like -essa as in poètessa ‘female poet’ and advokatessa ‘female lawyer’ and -isa as in direktrisa ‘female director’, although we will return to advokatessa in Sect. 3 below. We also do not consider suffixes that have more specific meanings like -ička ‘female teacher of a certain subject’, as in geografička ‘female geography teacher’, biologička ‘female biology teacher’, etc.
Thus, a combination -tel’ + -nica is a morphologically complex affix consisting of a dependent and its carrier as defined by Stump (2020).
The analysis was performed in R using rpart package (R Core Team, 2021; https://rdocumentation.org/packages/rpart/versions/4.1-15).
Note that kočegarka ‘steamshop’ was filtered out manually at the preceding stages of analysis.
Seven examples in our database involve both compounding and suffixation at the same time. For instance, in babuška-inženerša ‘(lit.) grandmother-female engineer’ both the compounding of babuška and inžener and the addition of the suffix -ša is used to clarify the gender of the referent. In Table 2 and Fig. 2, these examples are counted as suffixed models.
Notice that we have only investigated preposed agreement targets.
Unless otherwise indicated, numbered examples are from the RNC. For each example a year is given in addition to the name of the author (for fiction) or the periodical (for non-fiction).
Our database does not contain examples with relevant agreement patterns; this example is from the internet: https://glosbe.com/en/ru/criminal%20lawyer.
We would like to emphasize that we do not make any claims about productivity of the suffixes under scrutiny. Our sample of ten words from the RNC is too small to facilitate claims about productivity, and we focus on high frequency lexemes that are not well suited for an investigation of productivity.
Strictly speaking, examples like (5) are not “feminitives” since they denote a wife of a professional rather than a female professional. We have included examples like (5) in our database, since this enables us to investigate empirically the semantic shift from ‘wife’ to ‘female professional’.
CoCoCo is available at https://cococo.cosyco.ru.
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Nesset, T., Piperski, A. & Sokolova, S. Russian feminitives: what can corpus data tell us?. Russ Linguist 46, 95–113 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11185-022-09253-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11185-022-09253-w