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Thinking Sexual Difference Through the Law of Rape

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Abstract

2013 marks 10 years since the Sexual Offences Act 2003 was passed. That Act made significant changes to the law of rape which appear now to have made very little difference to reporting, prosecution or conviction rates. This article argues that the Act has failed against its own measures because it remains enmeshed within a conceptual framework of sexual indifference in which woman continues to be constructed as man’s (defective) other. This construction both constricts the frame in which women’s sexuality can be thought and distorts the harm of rape for women. It also continues woman’s historic alienation from her own nature and denies her entitlement to a becoming in line with her own sexuate identity. Using Luce Irigaray’s critical and constructive frameworks, the article seeks to imagine how law might ‘cognise’ sexual difference and thus take the preliminary steps to a juridical environment in which women can more adequately understand and articulate the harm of rape.

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Notes

  1. Section 74 introduced a definition of consent while sections 75 and 76 detailed evidential and conclusive presumptions with respect to consent. In addition to these consent-based provisions section 1 introduced the ‘reasonable belief’ mens rea standard conclusively displacing the ‘honest belief’ standard so derided from DPP v Morgan [1975] 2 WLR 913. The SOA also introduced the inclusion of oral penetration within the actus reus of rape.

  2. In 2002/2003 there were 12,295 recorded offences of rape and in 2010/2011 there were 15,935. The biggest increase was amongst male complainants rising from 850 in 2002/2003 to 1310 in 2010/11 (Chaplin et al. 2011, p. 43).

  3. Cf. Larcombe (2011) criticising the use of conviction rates in rape prosecutions as an appropriate measure of ‘success’. She argues that strategies associated with increasing conviction rates may in fact be in direct conflict with feminist aims in the area to fight rape myths and stereotypes which have infiltrated legal discourse about the virtuous raped woman. Larcombe points out that a focus on conviction rates inevitably leads to the selective prosecution of only a small number of reported rapes which fit within the ‘real rape’ template, and thus are more likely to accord with the myths and stereotypes of rape that jury members have been shown to draw upon when making decisions on evidence in a trial (Larcombe 2011, p. 32).

  4. Irigaray uses the adjective ‘sexuate’ to connote a broader description of what is involved in a culture of sexual difference. With respect to law, her proposal for sexuate identities involves the rights of all individuals to cultural self-expression as sexed beings.

  5. Irigaray’s concept of humanity is very much tied to her understanding of human beings as sexuate. As such, sexual difference in her work is humanity.

  6. When Irigaray speaks of a ‘nature’ appropriate to the feminine she is not referring to essential or pre-discursive characteristics of ‘womanhood’ that women need to return to; to define a woman’s nature would be to engage in a phallocentric politics of representation. She is referring to an as yet unknowable morphology of the female sex informed by systems of language and representation unmediated by the phallus. As Elizabeth Grosz explains, ‘her work is not a true description of women or femininity, a position that is superior to false, patriarchal conceptions. … Her aim is quite different: it is to devise a strategic and combative understanding, one whose function is to make explicit what has been excluded or left out of phallocentric images’ (Grosz 1989, p. 110).

  7. For a critical appraisal of these positions see Rumney (2007). Philip Rumney has argued passionately in defence of the move to gender neutrality in the law of rape in many western jurisdictions. In his analysis, gender neutrality in rape law extends the protection of the criminal law to all persons and ‘reflects modern understandings of the nature, effects, and dynamics of nonconsensual penetrative sex acts, and is an evidence-led means of appropriately labeling criminal conduct’ (Rumney 2007, p. 481). Underpinning Rumney’s position is his insistent dismissal of feminist arguments against gender neutrality in rape law based on what he labels ‘theory’ in favour of his own account which he terms ‘reality’—‘grounded in the wider legal and social science literature’ (ibid.) Gender neutrality in his argument ‘does not prevent the gendered analysis of rape’ (ibid., p. 482), but is ‘a means of appropriately labeling conduct that is similar in nature and effect.’ (ibid., p. 484).

  8. Cf: Rumney (2001), p. 896 and Temkin (2002), pp. 60–62 heavily criticising the review panel for failing to acknowledge incidences of female perpetrated rape, arguing that the panel was not ‘equal enough’ given its professed ‘…overarching commitment…to equality and fairness’ (Home Office 2000, p. 3).

  9. See for example Temkin (2002), p. 96.

  10. For a more detailed discussion of the link between autonomy and consent in the SOA see Munro (2008).

  11. A particularly harrowing example of this type of courtroom dynamic in the UK context can be seen in the recent case of Michael and Hilary Brewer, found guilty of five counts of indecent assault (and not guilty on three further counts and one count of rape) on 8 February 2013. Their victim, Frances Andrade, committed suicide the day after giving evidence against her abusers describing the experience to a friend as ‘liked being raped all over again’ and as feeling ‘fragmented’ after her courtroom ordeal (Pidd and Ibbotson 2013).

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Rosemary Hunter for her patient guidance and encouragement during the preparation of this article. For thoughtful and generous comments on earlier drafts I would also like to thank Ovidiu Anemtoaicei, Nick Piška and Nayeli Urquiza Haas.

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Correspondence to Yvette Russell.

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Russell, Y. Thinking Sexual Difference Through the Law of Rape. Law Critique 24, 255–275 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10978-013-9122-4

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