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Gender Differences in the Transition to Adulthood in France: Is There Convergence Over the Recent Period?

Le passage vers l'âge adulte des hommes et des femmes en France : y-a-t-il convergence?

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Abstract

Numerous studies have shown that educational attainment and labour force status have a strong impact on the timing of family formation for both men and women. The effects of educational level, school enrolment and employment seem to be different for men and women. The aim of this article is to investigate how gender-specific differences in family formation have changed over time, and more particularly, whether these differences have disappeared in recent years. We use a large-scale survey (more than 240,000 men and women born after 1940) conducted within the French 1999 census and apply event history techniques. The sample size allows us to test our hypotheses with more sophisticated models that cover several interactions. Our data fully support the convergence hypothesis for men and women with regard to the effects of educational attainment and working status (working/not working). However, it is only partly relevant for the effects of their school enrolment status on entry into first union and parenthood. For both men and women, the impact of work experience on first union disappears over time, but remains important for first parenthood.

Résumé

De nombreux travaux ont étudié les fortes variations sociales de l’âge à la mise en couple et à la naissance du premier enfant. Les variations selon le niveau d’éducation, le statut face aux études et à l’emploi sont en général différentes pour les hommes et pour les femmes. Comment ces différences entre hommes et femmes ont-elles évolué au cours des quarante dernières années ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous appliquons des modèles de durée aux biographies de plus 240 000 hommes et femmes nées après 1940, recueillies en 1999 dans le cadre de l’enquête Étude de l’histoire familiale, intégrée au recensement général de la population.

La taille de l’échantillon nous permet de construire des modèles comprenant de nombreuses interactions. Pour les mises en couple et l’arrivée du premier enfant, nous mettons en évidence une convergence entre hommes et femmes dans les variations selon le niveau d’éducation et le statut professionnel ; la convergence est moins forte pour les variations selon le statut face aux études. Pour les hommes comme pour les femmes, l’expérience professionnelle perd son importance comme préalable aux unions, mais la garde pour l’arrivée du premier enfant.

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Notes

  1. A household member is said to have a comparative advantage in the household if the ratio of the marginal product in the household to his/her wage rate on the market is higher for him/her than for the other household member(s) if all contribute the same amount of time to the household and all invest in the same human capital (Becker 1981).

  2. However, the effect of educational level on first union formation increases with age and loses significance, i.e. there is no effect of educational attainment of the timing of union formation for 24 to 30-year old Dutch and Flemish women.

  3. Since introduction, entitlement regulations have been modified several times. In the beginning, only mothers were eligible for parental leave, which was extended to fathers in 1984. Under the new legislation, parents could also work part time, and in 1986 the period of parental leave was extended from 2 to 3 years.

  4. The parental leave allowance was introduced in 1985 and only parents of three children, the youngest below age 3, were eligible. In 1994, the benefit was modified and extended to parents with two children.

  5. The other questions were the following: First name, Sex, Date of arrival in the household for adopted children, Place of birth of the child, Date of leaving and place of residence if the child left the parental home, Live or still birth, and Age at death if the child is dead.

  6. These percentages were derived by using sample weights in order to correct for the bias related to higher non-response rates of certain population groups. The raw percentages are 82 and 78 for all women and men, respectively, entering a first union; and 72 and 60% for all women and men, respectively, who had a first child before the time of the survey.

  7. Moreover, events such as first birth and first union are very rare after the age of 40. Less than 1.3% of men and 0.9% of women born in the 1940s have a first birth after the age of 40 (they are aged 49–58 at the time of the survey); first unions are slightly more common: 2.3% of men and 1.4% of women of the same cohorts experienced a first union after the age of 40.

  8. Several authors found that family-building behaviours such as union formation, particularly marriage and conception, are interrelated and estimation procedures not taking into account the possible endogeneity may lead to a biased interpretation of the effects they have on each other (see, e.g. Brien et al. 1999 for modelling the interrelations between cohabitation, marriage and non-marital conception). We tested for such endogeneity by comparing models on first births including or excluding conjugal status.

  9. The Bayesian Information Criteria improved when we left out the mothers’ socio-occupational status.

  10. We could have applied linear splines to single years in order to estimate the interaction between our covariates of interest and time, but we considered that seven 5-year periods were sufficient.

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Correspondence to Maria Winkler-Dworak.

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A large part of this work was undertaken while Maria Winkler-Dworak was a visiting researcher at the Institut national d’études démographiques. Her work was subsidised by a grant (contract HPRN-CT-2001-00234) awarded under the European Community’s Human Potential Programme.

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Winkler-Dworak, M., Toulemon, L. Gender Differences in the Transition to Adulthood in France: Is There Convergence Over the Recent Period?. Eur J Population 23, 273–314 (2007). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10680-007-9128-4

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