Abstract
Migration has long been a topic of research in sociology, and its popularity has increased within political science over recent decades. Whether internal or international, migration has continued to expand and our prevailing notions as to the structure and characteristics of migration have likewise expanded. In this chapter, we present a brief overview of the theoretical contribution of sociology and political science to the study of migration. In the presentation of migration from a sociological perspective, we describe migrants as individuals, connections within a network, and members of a community. Recognizing the complex social world in which migrants interact has allowed us to not only to refine our understanding of individual-level decision-making but also widen our scope to include familial and transnational connections. As a result of this research, we are also able to better characterize migration demographically at the macro level. We also include insights from political science to extend our theoretical understanding of migration to the state. Migration has become a mainstream political issue in most countries in the world, creating new electoral fault lines in many democracies. Our review describes possible effects migration has on the politics of the respective society, as well as the ways through which the state seeks to shape its migration policy, typically with the intent to control the flows of migration. In light of the advances made in migration theory from both disciplines, we also reflect on new pathways for future research.
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Notes
- 1.
Lee’s well-known paper on the migration theory identifies Ravenstein ’s laws as speaking to the following areas: (1) Migration and distance; (2) Migration by stages; (3) Stream and counterstream; (4) Urban-rural differences in propensity to migrate; (5) Predominance of females among short-distance migrants; (6) Technology and migration; (7) Dominance of the economic motive (Lee 1966). Lee goes on to quote from Ravenstein and expound further. See Wright and Ellis in this volume for further discussion of Ravenstein.
- 2.
Some literatures make use of the abbreviation LMIC for Low and Middle-Income Country, while other prefer LDC for Less Developed Country.
- 3.
The general concept has broad and deep origins. Consider this comment about the development of the early nineteenth-century national road in the United State s : “…the most important freight a road carries may be neither household goods, nor livestock, nor munitions of war—but ideas!” (Stewart 1953, quoted in Vale and Vale 1983).
- 4.
As with any social process, however, there are winners and losers.
- 5.
Internal migration is typically of less interest in the field, though a discussion of this can be found later in this chapter.
- 6.
Research on citizenship is often considered an important branch of migration politics, sometimes addressed independently of the rest of the field, since changes to citizenship requirements represent the ultimate form of migrant assimilation. For more on citizenship exclusively, see Kymlicka and Norman 1994; Kymlicka 2003; and Varsanyi 2005.
- 7.
- 8.
For an excellent review of the principle assumptions and perspectives of political economy, see Freeman and Kessler 2008.
- 9.
In Arizona, for example, failures to achieve immigration reform in 2007 prompted the state to implement a more stringent enforcement policy than federal statutes require (Amuedo-Dorantes et al. 2013).
- 10.
This field of migration politics is immense, multidisciplinary and too nuanced to cover succinctly here. For an excellent overview, see Fetzer 2012.
- 11.
As discussed previously, the electoral success of far-right parties has generated substantial interest throughout Western Europe , though doubts remain as to whether further electoral success is attainable. In some cases, however, these movements have been successful at achieving their policy goals, threatening the potentially pro-migration avenues of the courts and bureaucracies, which can be constrained by less vague laws and directives, respectively.
- 12.
- 13.
This aggregate statistic is a result of numerous waves of migration into Russia , beginning with the collapse of the Soviet Union, after which millions relocated to the country of their “titular nationality,” e.g., Russians to Russia. As this movement began to subside, outbreaks of war in the former republics, such as the civil war in Tajikistan and the war between Azerbaijan and Armenia , caused thousands of refugees to flee to Russia for safety. While these waves of migration account for a considerable portion of Russia’s aggregate migrant population, the foreign-born population is an estimated 12 million people (United Nations 2009).
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White, M.J., Johnson, C. (2016). Perspectives on Migration Theory – Sociology and Political Science. In: White, M. (eds) International Handbook of Migration and Population Distribution. International Handbooks of Population, vol 6. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7282-2_5
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