Abstract
With these words, the U.K. government’s response to the events of September 11, 2001 was declared unlawful by one of Britain’s most eminent judicial figures, Lord Hoffmann. The government’s contention was simple—that the detention, without charge or trial, of a small number of foreign suspects was a necessary and proportionate response to the threat posed by a nihilistic organization, with which these individuals were intimately associated. The Law Lords, Britain’s most senior judicial authorities, however, held otherwise.
Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.
Benjamin Franklin
This is a nation which has been tested in adversity, which has survived physical destruction and catastrophic loss of life. I do not underestimate the ability of fanatical groups of terrorists to kill and destroy, but they do not threaten the life of the nation [Terrorist violence, serious as it is, does not threaten our institutions of government or our existence as a civil community…. [T]he real threat to the life of the nation, in the sense of a people living in accordance with its traditional laws and political values, comes not from terrorism but from laws such as these.1
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Notes
Michael Ignatieff, e.g., claimed that the War on Terror requires a “new ethics of emergency” that may require the suspension of many cherished human rights. Ignatieff argues that emergency powers and radical counterterror measures are lesser evils, “forced on unwilling liberal democracies by the exigencies of their own survival.” See Michael Ignatieff, The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004), 136–143.
Jonathan Raban, “The Truth about Terrorism,” New York Review of Books LII, no. 1 (January 2005): 22–26
R. A. Wilson, ed., Human Rights in the “War on Terror” (Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 19.
J. Waldron, “Security and Liberty: The Image of Balance,” The Journal of Political Philosophy 11, no. 2 (2003): 191.
See, e.g., Rohan Gunaratna, Inside Al Qaeda (Berkley: Penguin, 2000)
Jason Burke, Al-Qaeda: The True Story of Radical Islam (London: I B Taurus & Co, 2003).
Craig Murray, Murder in Samarkand (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2007).
Alan Dershowitz, Why Terrorism Works (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002).
Lord Steyn, “Our Government and the International Rule of Law since 9/11,” European Human Rights Law Review 1 (2007): 1–7
Conor Gearty, “Rethinking Civil Liberties in a Counter-Terrorism World,” European Human Rights Law Review 1 (2007): 111–119
Joseph Conrad, The Secret Agent (London: Penguin Group, 2007 [1907]), 23.
For a withering criticism ofthe British governement’s legislative response to the events of September 11, see Kier Starmer, “Setting the Record Straight: Human Rights in an Era of International Terrorism,” European Human Rights Law Review 1 (2007): 123–132.
Sadat Sayeed notes that Section 1005 of the Detainee Treatment Act 2005, the “Graham—Levin” Amendment, sought to remove the right of a habeas corpus petition to those detained at Guantanamo Bay; see Sadat Sayeed, “Guantanamo Bay-Five Years On,” Journal of Immigration Asylum and Nationality Law 21, no. 2 (2007): 109–128
President of the Israeli Supreme Court, Aharon Barak in A Barak, “A Judge on Judging: The Role of a Supreme Court in a Democracy,” Harvard Law Review 116, no. 1 (2002): 19–162
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© 2009 Matthew J. Morgan
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Williams, D. (2009). The Logic of Suspending Civil Liberties. In: Morgan, M.J. (eds) The Impact of 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape. The Day that Changed Everything?. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230100053_3
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