1 Introduction

Building on the discourses of the “politics of land-use planning” and “frontier resourcification” examined in Chap. 4, this chapter features two strategic planning proposals that engage the ideological and practical frictions between Chinese mass nature tourism and ecotourism.

Mass nature tourism is a model employed by China’s southwestern frontier provinces such as Yunnan since the early 2000s (Zinda, 2014). Conceived and implemented as part of the Chinese central government’s long-term Great Western Development Strategy launched in 2000 that aims to raise economic standards in western China, mass nature tourism is a development tool for some of the most remote frontier regions characterized by “adverse” natural conditions, “underdeveloped” infrastructure and a largely “impoverished” population (State Council of the People’s Republic of China, 2000). Mass nature tourism is driven by an economic ideology that appropriates an “impoverished” region and its population as resources for development in the name of poverty alleviation, with tourism zoning carried out based on the suitability of land for natural and cultural commodification.

In recent years, the Chinese model of mass nature tourism has been introduced, in parallel with other types of economic development, into northern Laos, notably within the country’s newly established Special Economic Zones (SEZ) (Figs. 1, 2, 3 and 4). For example, Chinese and Lao mainstream media are promoting Boten and Luang Prabang, two of Laos’s major tourist attractions and key stations on the China-Laos Railway, as examples of the “international modern new town with outstanding natural and cultural landscape” (Investvine, 2019; Lao National Television, 2016; Ta Kung Pao, 2019). A ten-fold increase in tourist numbers is projected on completion of the China-Laos Railway.Footnote 1 The new town or SEZ plans of Boten and Luang Prabang both set out a spatial order maximizing the commodification of nature and culture, where tourism and resort zones include existing natural rivers and local ethnic villages as well as newly constructed artificial lakes and cultural demonstration villages (Architectural Design & Research Institute of SCUT, 2016; Planning & Design Center of Haicheng Group, 2018).

These large-scale tourism programs being rapidly implemented in Laos may arguably prove economically viable but unavoidably raise ethical, cultural and environmental questions that call for urgent attention (See, for example, Hall & Ringer, 2000; Travers, 2008; Kyophilavong et al., 2018). The two strategic planning proposals included in this chapter are: Negotiating with ethno-ecology: Landscape management strategies for northern Laos’s ecotourism boom; and Living heritage: Redefining protections for urban expansion in Luang Prabang. Focusing on Boten and Luang Prabang respectively, these two proposals challenge an economic-driven and object-based mass nature tourism model and investigate the possibility of a site-, culture-, and landscape-sensitive ecotourism approach. Both proposals begin with an analysis of the spatial and temporal patterns of key landscape systems such as the watershed, food-shed, waste-shed and viewshed that are crucial for enabling the establishment of tourism programs and for sustaining the local livelihoods and cultural practices that are indispensable assets of authentic cultural landscape experiences. Based on these analyses, both projects identify site-specific tourism development capacities, guiding the scale and speed of development to minimize conflict between local communities and tourism, while maximizing tourism-related ecological and social benefits.

Fig. 1
A photograph of a newly established special economic zone, Golden Boten City.

Photo by Xiaoxuan Lu (March, 2019)

The deserted Golden Boten City (GBC), a former casino boomtown on the China-Laos border, has experienced rapid transformation since 2016. This photograph was taken from the older quarter of the GBC, once home to several restaurants serving exotic and endangered wildlife, toward the Boten Special Economic Zone’s “twin-towers” in the newly established central business district.

Fig. 2
A photograph of the ongoing construction of the China-Laos Railway and its surrounding landscape.

Photo by Xiaoxuan Lu (March, 2019)

Speed of construction within the Boten Special Economic Zone has accelerated since the inauguration of the Lao section of the Yunnan-Singapore railway, commonly called the China-Laos Railway. This photograph captured the ongoing construction and large-scale leveling of the landscape throughout the zone.

Fig. 3
A photograph of a flying up-hot-air balloon in Vang Vieng surrounded by mountains.

Photo by Xiaoxuan Lu (March, 2018)

Hot-air ballooning is increasingly popular in Vang Vieng, a small town on the Nam Song river surrounded by some of Laos’s most iconic karst limestone mountains, located approximately halfway between Vientiane and Luang Prabang. Anticipating the opening of the railway, the current Lao tourism boom not only generates revenue and employment but unprecedented pressure on both urban and natural environments and local livelihoods.

Fig. 4
A photograph of a panorama model indicating the newly planned Ancient Lao City, Boten Lake, and Boten Central Buddhist Temple at the Boten Exhibition Center.

Photo by Brian Cheang (March, 2019)

According to its main developer, Haicheng Group, the Boten Special Economic Zone will become a China-ASEAN tourist hub with sufficient capacity to cater to an expected 25 million people once the China-Laos Railway is completed in 2021. This photograph shows the 1:1,000 panorama model on display at the Boten Exhibition Center, marked with the locations of the newly planned “Ancient Lao City,” “Boten Lake,” and “Boten Central Buddhist temple.”

2 Negotiating with Ethno-Ecology: Landscape Management Strategies for Northern Laos’s Ecotourism Boom

Considering the rapid growth of ecotourism in northern Laos and the often-negative impacts of tourism development on indigenous communities, this project deploys ethno-ecology as a tool to negotiate with tourism developers for the protection and territorial integrity of cultural landscapes. Without critical awareness, the tourism planning process often reduces indigenous peoples to primitive caricatures and replaces local culture with homogenized cultural representations (Salazar, 2009). In response to mainstream practices in the region, this project advocates for an understanding of local knowledge via ethno-ecology, advancing alternative metrics of cultural and ecological value and mechanisms for landscape management.

Ethno-ecology is defined as the organizational and cognitive relationships that each local culture has with its non-human environment (Prado & Murrieta, 2015). While ethno-ecology suggests a value system to be protected, it is also an adaptive system capable of determining the capacity of the landscape to accommodate new people and new programs, even including the substantial pressures for mass tourism development in southwestern China and northern Laos. Nuanced and bespoke calculations of local “livelihood-sheds,” such as viewshed and foodshed, are used in this project to understand, illustrate, and advocate for the spatiotemporal patterns of humans in their environment. Two villages in southwestern China and two villages in northern Laos are deployed as testing grounds for exemplifying the diversity of the ethno-ecology in the China-Laos border region and the impacts induced by tourism development (Figs. 5, 6 and 7).

In southwestern China, Mandan village of the Dai people and Qingkou village of the Hani people have confronted tourism development over the past several decades and reveal the processes of exclusion and fragmentation embedded in mainstream tourism planning (See, for example, iSkytree Tourism Planning, 2013; Sina, 2015; Guipu, 2016; Liu & Ye, 2019). Despite focusing on different aspects of ethno-ecology, both cases exhibit the intertwining of local spiritual and agricultural practices in generating the cultural landscape. Tourism planning here has greatly oversimplified each village’s cultural realms and excluded large swaths of their cultural territories because of object-oriented and profit-driven rationales (Figs. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13).

Insights drawn from these two ecotourism villages in southwestern China are then translated to Boten and Nalan villages in northern Laos, both under tourism development pressures from Chinese and Thai capital.Footnote 2 Such translation helps predict potential damages to the integrity of cultural landscapes and helps devise landscape-oriented and culture-driven means of negotiation with investors and tourism planners. In the case of Boten village, now within the rapidly developing Boten Special Economic Zone, its historical salt production system is a renowned local tradition and highlight in the current tourism plan (Planning & Design Center of Haicheng Group, 2018). This village is strategically selected for its potential in calculating and visualizing Boten’s cultural territory and ideal tourism capacity (Figs. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18 and 19). In the case of Nalan village, its system of rice and rice wine production is a cultural practice strategically chosen here for the quantification and visualization of a cultural territory closely tied to the practice of shifting cultivation. Nalan partially falls within the Nam Ha National Protected Area, and shifting cultivation is one of the most misunderstood and controversial forms of land use (Figs. 20, 21, 22, 23 and 24) (Ducourtieux et al., 2005).

Indigenous practices and tourism development are not necessarily exclusive to one another. An adaptive landscape that caters to traditional practices and tourism programs can allow visitors to experience authenticity while securing the dignity and strengthening local people to shape and maintain their cultural landscapes.

The design proposal “Negotiating with ethno-ecology: Landscape management strategies for northern Laos’s ecotourism boom” and accompanying illustrations were developed by Yani Zhang Mengting and William Wei Gongqi during the course Studio Laos: Strategic Landscape Planning for the Greater Mekong.

Fig. 5
A map of Yunnan and Laos denotes Qingkou village and Hani people, Vietnam, Nalan village and Khmu people, Boten village and Tai people, Mandan village and Dai people, Luang Namtha, Mengla, and the Kunming-Bnakghok expressway.

Two villages in southwestern China and two villages in northern Laos are deployed as testing grounds for exemplifying the diversity of the ethno-ecology in the China-Laos border region and the impacts induced by tourism development

Fig. 6
A map denotes Xishuangbanna National Nature Reserve, Xishuangbanna Tropical Rainforest National Park, Nanla New District, Mandan Scenic Area, to Kunming, Nam Ha National Protection Area, Nam Ha National Park, Boten S E Z, China-Laos Railway, the northern economic corridor, forest Laos from 2000 to 2018, and the core project and impact area.

Mandan village and Boten village are both situated within development enclaves in the China-Laos borderlands, namely Mengla-Mohan Key Development and Opening Up Experimental Zones in China and Boten Beautiful Land Special Economic Zone in Laos

Fig. 7
A map of five-country collaboration denotes Nanla, Boten, Myanmar, East-West corridor, Kuaukpyu, Kunming, Naypyidaw, Kunming-Bangkok expressway, Thailand, Bangkok, China-Laos railway, Laos, Vientiane, Laos, Mekong river, Hanoi, China, and Haiphong.

Mengla and Boten are branded as the “Golden Crossroads of Five-Country Collaboration,” and this map represents an imagined geography of the China-Laos-Myanmar-Thailand-Vietnam economic regional affiliation promoted by the BRI

Fig. 8
A map denotes route 1, route 2, Mandan, Nanbang, Nanlang, Manlang, Mandan reservoir, Mandan scenic area, foodshed, cultureshed, tourism and primitive viewshed, high visibility areas of V 1 and V 2, rubber plantations, paddy and tea fields, settlements, natural forests, streams, highways, and contours.

Focusing on fengshui woodlands, this detailed calculation of local “livelihood-sheds” reveals that the cultural territory of Dai people at Mandan village is significantly larger than the area that falls within the boundary delineated by the tourism planner

Fig. 9
A map of Mandan denotes Nanla new district, Mefen, Manlongle, Shang Nanbang, Nanbang rainforest restoration experiment zone, Xia Nanbang, Manlang rainforest art exhibition, Manlang, Manling, Mangangna, waterbody for fisheries, farmland for cultivation, rubber plantation for forestry, industry and tourism areas, and the pilot zone of Nanla new area.

The exclusion and fragmentation of cultural territory of Dai people at Mandan village offers a glimpse of the rapidly transforming regional landscape within Nanla New Town established on the east bank of the Nanla River

Fig. 10
An illustration denotes irrigation water not supplying its adjacent villages, a flood plain, 500 h a from land area submerged in reservoir built in 1980, salted fish production, buffalo for traditional sacrifice feast, subsistence rice farming, 1976 ammomum villosum plantation project, and the 1988 rubber plantation project.

The intertwining of local spiritual and agricultural practices in generating the cultural landscape at Mandan village of the Dai people

Fig. 11
A map denotes Xinjie town, Qingkou village, Route 1, Route 2, settlements, terrace fields, water resource forests, dense forests, sparse forests, culturesheds, tourism and culture viewsheds, a high visibility area of V 1, V 1 less than the high-visibility area less than or equal to V 2, and V 1 less than the visible area less than or equal to V 2.

Focusing on spiritual and agricultural use of water, this detailed calculation of local “livelihood-sheds” reveals that the cultural territory of Hani people at Qingkou village is significantly larger than the area that falls within the boundary delineated by the tourism planner

Fig. 12
An illustration shows the journey starting from Xinjie town, a 20-minute tedious drive, and visiting a house with a water mill attached, a house that looks like a mushroom, drinking the holy mountain water, seeing so many ponds on a mountain, a giant mysterious pole, and ending the journey at the mushroom house cluster and the terrace field.

Mainstream tourism planning has greatly oversimplified Qingkou village’s cultural realm and excluded large swaths of the cultural territory or Hani people because of object-oriented and profit-driven rationales

Fig. 13
An illustration denotes water worship, sacred forest worship, terrace field, polytheism and ancestor worship, flush fertilizing custom, terrace field, livestock manure, irrigation, construction, food, water supply, village, water conservation forest, sacred and production forests, and forest humus.

The intertwining of local spiritual and agricultural practices in generating the cultural landscape at Qingkou village of the Hani people

Fig. 14
A map indicates Boten, salt well, China custom, Boten station, Laos custom, Bo peak, Na Teu, China-Laos railway, settlements, paddy field, rubber plantation, water resource forest, densed forest, industrial area, Nam Ha N P A, underground, tradeshed, foodshed, and tourism viewshed.

Insights drawn from two ecotourism villages in southwestern China are translated to Boten village within the rapidly developing Boten SEZ in Laos to predict mainstream tourism planning’s potential damages to the integrity of cultural landscapes and to devise landscape-oriented and culture-driven means of negotiation with investors and tourism planners

Fig. 15
A landscape calculation model that is both intact and transforming It includes tourist flow capacity in the forest, paddy fields, salt production, labor force, and negotiation with the SEZ developer. Forest includes N T F P forest, water resource forest, and production forest.

Calculation of tourism capacity and inevitable landscape consumption in culture tourism

Fig. 16
Six graphs depict relevant seasonal tourist flow, glutinous rice production capacity, and average and seasonal tourism salt production from January to December. Five illustrations illustrate relocated villagers, homestay, production forest, outcome, and conclusions.

Given that salt production is a renowned local tradition and is highlighted in the current tourism plan, it is strategically chosen here for the quantification and visualization of Boten’s cultural territory and ideal tourism capacity

Fig. 17
Two maps of tourism, 70,000 people per year and 134,000 people per year, denote cultural and green zone, industrial zone, viewshed, settlements, paddy field, water resource forest, densed forest, Boten station, Laos custom, salt well, China custom, strategy A, strategy B, and strategy C.

Through quantification and visualization, two schemes are developed for Boten village to negotiate with tourism developers for the protection and territorial integrity of cultural landscapes

Fig. 18
A photograph of a cultural landscape depicts the dry season, the wet season, a 1-kilometer walk paddy field, 3.5 kilometers away irrigation river 2.4 kilometers long, 4.8 kilometers away water resource forest, and 4.0 kilometers away production forest.

Experiencing a highly dynamic cultural landscape characterized by complex human-nature relationships

Fig. 19
A photograph of a Boten village salt production system denotes 1.5 kilometers away water resource forest, a 200-meter walk salt factory 100-meter long, 2 kilometers away China, programs, 500-meter away production forest 1200 h a, and 200-meter away salt well 10-meter tall.

Experiencing a landscape-oriented and culture-driven salt production system at Boten village

Fig. 20
A map indicates the trek to Ban Nalan, the Highway, cultureshed, village boundary, contour, rubber plantation, farmland, stream, Nam Ha N P A, trek, natural forest in the cultureshed, low and high-visibility viewshed of the trek to Nalan, and footprint of shifting cultivation.

Insights drawn from two ecotourism villages in southwestern China are translated to Nalan village, which partially falls within the Nam Ha National Protected Area, to predict mainstream tourism planning’s potential damages to the integrity of cultural landscapes and to devise landscape-oriented and culture-driven means of negotiation with investors and tourism planners

Fig. 21
An illustration depicts Scenario 1 of annual tourism capacity reaching 4,380, limited by lodging space. A map denotes invisible and visible fallow land, the viewshed on the trek, intact forest, Nam Ha N P A, culture shed, trek to Ban Nalan, existing farmland, the footprint of shifting cultivation, stream, and village boundary.

Given that rice and rice wine production are important cultural practices for Khmu people and are highlighted in existing ecotourism programs, they are strategically chosen here for the quantification and visualization of Nalan’s cultural territory and ideal tourism capacity

Fig. 22
Two maps of Scenarios 2 and 3 of annual tourism capacity reaching 14300 limited by community waste disposal system and 23500 limited by maximum labor force denote invisible and visible fallow land, viewshed on the trek, intact forest, Nam Ha N P A, a culture shed, the trek to Ban Nalan, existing farmland, the trek, the highway, the stream, and the village boundary.

Through quantification and visualization, three scenarios are developed for Nalan village to negotiate with tourism developers for the protection and territorial integrity of cultural landscapes

Fig. 23
A photograph of a shifting cultivation landscape from December to December denotes the distillation of Lao Lao, forest for N T F P collection, recovery of shifting cultivation, and firewood collection from the fallow land.

Experiencing the dynamics of a shifting cultivation landscape, one of the most misunderstood and controversial forms of land use

Fig. 24
A photograph of the landscape of agricultural land denotes 500 meters, 1 kilometer, planting in May, and harvesting in October.

Experiencing a landscape-oriented and culture-driven rice and rice wine production system at Nalan village in Laos

3 Living Heritage: Redefining Protections for Urban Expansion in Luang Prabang

Anticipating the boom in urbanization in Luang Prabang that follows the opening of the China-Laos Railway, this strategic proposal foregrounds the insufficiency of a predominantly architecture-focused cultural heritage protection mechanism instituted by UNESCO and explores the potential for a landscape-oriented framework that defines and protects essential cultural landscapes in the region.

Situated in a valley at the confluence of the Mekong and Nam Khan rivers in north central Laos, Luang Prabang was an ancient royal capital and the current cultural center of the country (Reeves & Long, 2011). As Luang Prabang town experienced increasing social and environmental pressures from the growing influx of tourists since its designation as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1995, the town and its expansive landscape are currently undergoing unprecedented changes induced by simultaneous rural–urban transformation and regional infrastructure expansion (Figs. 25 and 26). In addition to the expected ten-fold increase in the number of tourists visiting Luang Prabang once the China-Laos Railway begins operation at the end of 2021,Footnote 3 the pace of urbanization and deforestation is accelerating, especially along the railway. Considering the cultural significance of Luang Prabang, the importance of forest resources to local communities and the rapid urbanization of the region, immediate intervention is needed to protect the region’s heritage, secure local livelihoods and curtail or redirect speculative development toward sustainable ends.

This proposal redefines regional landscape values and reflects on the spatial implications of this valuing system. UNESCO appraises Luang Prabang as a heritage site that “reflects the exceptional fusion of Lao traditional architecture and nineteenth and twentieth century European colonial style buildings” (UNESCO, 1995), and its protection measures are spatially reflected in two boundaries defining the core and buffer zone of the inscribed heritage property (Figs. 27 and 28). An exercise combining land use and viewshed analyses in the buffer zone and along the railway helps identify possible extents of vernacular landscapes with cultural and ecological value. These analyses reveal contradictions embedded in the UNESCO-delineated buffer zone. The current defined zone can abruptly exclude new capital-driven construction along with village use of forest resources that have cultural and livelihood significance. Consequently, this zone is not capable, either spatially or in land use management, of regulating land conversion and speculative development of Luang Prabang (Figs. 29 and 30) (UNESCO, 2013). Given that substantial land speculation is occurring and will expand further along the China-Laos Railway, which passes through a dozen local villages heavily dependent on agriculture, this project overlays predicted unregulated areas of urban expansion and viewsheds along the railway to identify strategic spaces for intervention.

The location of new railway stations, existing highways and terrain are key factors in predicting urban expansion areas (Fig. 31). Taking advantage of the mainstream narrative of offering visitors an “authentic experience” of Luang Prabang’s cultural landscape, this proposal identifies areas of urban expansion within the viewshed along the railway that may degrade such experiences, which are regarded as crucial assets in the tourism industry (Figs. 32, 33, 34 and 35). Guided by this spatial framework, four multiscalar landscape strategies, namely reforestation, buffer planting, development regulation and alternative buffer zone demarcation, are proposed to mediate the socioenvironmental impacts of previous development projects, minimize potential spatial conflicts between the local and nonlocal use of resources, and mitigate foreseeable land speculation (Fig. 36). In addition, three landscape typologies are proposed to guide the spacing of new plantings and selection of plant species with cultural and livelihood significance (Figs. 37, 38 and 39).

While UNESCO’s significant contributions to the protection of cultural heritage across the globe are undeniable, in the context of unprecedented socioenvironmental challenges faced by cultural heritage, such as that of Luang Prabang, a landscape framework characterized by a three-dimensional systematic analysis of a cultural territory is necessary, especially one shaped by cultural practices and with a critical definition of cultural landscape heritage that is alive and dynamic.

The design proposal “Living heritage: Redefining protections for urban expansion in Luang Prabang” and accompanying illustrations were developed by Haylie Shum Hiu Lam during the course Studio Laos: Strategic Landscape Planning for the Greater Mekong.

Fig. 25
Four photographs depict an irrigated agricultural field, the breeding of chickens within a village, villagers using forest materials to make bamboo chairs, and blue segments extracted from the indigo tree for textile dying. Eight illustrations represent food, agriculture, medicine, hunting, structure, ceremony, breeding, and miscellaneous.

Landscapes have always been a vital part of Lao culture. Two-fifths of Laos is forested, and the country’s forests have provided a vast variety of landscape uses, including food, agriculture, medicinal, building and spiritual uses

Fig. 26
A key map indicates Luang Prabang has a total area of 8.2 kilometers. A graph depicts the number of tourist arrivals in Luang Prabang. A vertical bar graph depicts Luang Prabang's tourism and waste projections. Four donut charts depict population percentages in agricultural practice, forest cover, designated functions of forests, and G D P sector.

Luang Prabang has experienced a growing influx of tourists since its designation as an UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1995. The town and its extensive landscape are currently undergoing unprecedented changes induced by simultaneous rural–urban transformation and regional infrastructure expansion

Fig. 27
A timeline depicts the rules of the current buffer zone of Luang Prabang from 1893 to 2021. It depicts precolonial in 1893, french colonial from 1893 to 1945, UNESCO world heritage in 1995, P M S V in 1996, zoning plan in 2011, and China-Lao railway in 2021. An illustration represents the allowed and prohibited activities.

Historical timeline of Luang Prabang and the current regulations managing the World Heritage Site’s buffer zone

Fig. 28
A map of Luang Prabang denotes that logging is a serious problem, urbanization is centered around the core heritage area, and irrigated agriculture and paddy fields are currently centered around the planned railway station, forest, logging, urban, water, wetland, core heritage area, shifting and irrigated agriculture, and paddy fields.

Context map of Luang Prabang showing the boundaries of the core and buffer zones and major challenges currently faced by the town and its landscape

Fig. 29
A map of areas along the China-Laos Railway indicates viewsheds and land use. A pie chart plots the percentage land use ratio of forest, logging, urban, river, wetland, shifting agriculture, irrigated agriculture, and paddy fields.

Land use and viewshed analyses for areas along the China-Laos Railway

Fig. 30
A map indicates areas within the buffer zone along with their viewshed and land use. A pie chart plots the percentage land use ratio of forest, logging, urban, river, wetland, shifting agriculture, irrigated agriculture, and paddy fields.

Land use and viewshed analyses for areas within the buffer zone

Fig. 31
A map denotes a highway, railway-tunnel, railway-bridge, railway-station, buffer zone, protected area, water, villages, existing settlements, urban expansions in 2021 and 2026, and urban expansion in 2031.

Map showing the three phases of urban expansion, which are predicted based on proximity to railway stations, proximity to existing highways and slope gradient

Fig. 32
A map denotes highway, railway-tunnel, railway-bridge, railway-station, buffer zone, protected area, water, urban expansions in 2021 and 2026, urban expansion in 2031, and visible and invisible extents.

The predicted area of urban expansion indicates a 25% increase in urban area within the viewshed along the railway by 2031

Fig. 33
A map indicates Ban Sanok, Ban Phaoo, Ban Phoulekchaleun, and Ban Phonxai, buffer zone, protected area, shifting and irrigated agriculture, and a section cut line. Four donut charts depict percentages of total agricultural land area, population engaged in agriculture, average percentage of households with farmland, and agricultural nature of villages.

Statistics of villages affected by the predicted urban expansion. Ten villages are currently situated along the railway within the study are, encompassing 5,000 people and 638 hectares of agricultural land

Fig. 34
A photograph of the existing conditions in Ban Daensavang, with a total population of 550 and an agricultural land area of 76 hectares. A two-donut chart depicts the percentages of engaged and non-engaged populations in agriculture and the percentages of subsistence and commercial farming nature.

Landscape section cut, illustrative view, and statistics of Ban Daensavang village

Fig. 35
A photograph of the existing conditions of Ban Kokngiou, with a total population of 892 and an agricultural land area of 125 hectares. A two-donut chart depicts the percentages of engaged and non-engaged populations in agriculture and the percentages of subsistence and commercial farming nature.

Landscape section cut, illustrative view, and statistics of Ban Kokngiou village

Fig. 36
Four illustrations depict multiscale landscape strategies. It includes reforestation, urban development, buffer planting, and buffer zones.

Four multiscale landscape strategies are proposed to mediate the socioenvironmental impacts of previous development projects, minimize potential conflicts between local and nonlocal use of resources and mitigate foreseeable land speculation

Fig. 37
An illustration depicts the vegetation schemes of plant species with Lao, mature size, and its use; a tree diagram; the flowering season of plant species from January to December; general rules; flat ground in scenario 1; a slope in scenario 2; and a valley in scenario 3.

Three landscape typologies are proposed to guide the spacing of new plantings and selection of plant species with cultural and livelihood significance

Fig. 38
A map indicates a highway, railway tunnel, railway bridge, railway station, buffer zone, protected area, core heritage area, water, forest, urban, village, wetland, shifting and irrigated agriculture, paddy fields, and reforestation. An illustration depicts activities allowed and prohibited in urban expansion and buffer zones.

Activities allowed and prohibited within the predicted area of urban expansion

Fig. 39
A photograph of the cultural landscape of Luang Prabang denotes the Mekong river, paddy fields and irrigated agriculture, Delonix Regia, urban expansion, and the China-Lao railway.

Experiencing Luang Prabang’s cultural landscape along the China-Laos Railway