Keywords

1 Introduction

Fictional entertainment accounts for a large share of the overall media content and is very popular with the audience. It is highly diverse in form and content, and differs, for example, regarding media type, genre, and target group. Fictional entertainment comprises novels (e.g., thriller, romance), comic books, TV series (e.g., crime series, daily soaps, medical shows, political drama), children’s programs, feature films, cartoons, box office hits, audio plays, etc. Research on fictional entertainment typically concentrates on audiovisual productions, i.e. TV series and movies. It stems from different scientific disciplines (e.g., film studies, cultural studies, communication science, and political science) that apply their specific perspectives and methods.

In communication science, research activities regarding TV series and movies often draw on cultivation theory. Developed by George Gerbner in the late 1960 s, cultivation theory posits that television is “the common socializer of our times” (Gerbner et al. 1980, p. 14) and plays a central role in shaping people’s perceptions of reality. Early cultivation research was concerned with television violence. Combining content analysis (message system analysis) and survey data (cultivation analysis), Gerbner and his team showed that violence is massively overrepresented on television and that heavy TV users especially perceived the world as more dangerous and crime-filled than it really is (e.g., Gerbner and Gross 1976; Gerbner et al. 1978).

The initial focus on violence has been expanded to various other aspects of social reality (e.g., gender roles, minorities, occupations, politics, and health related topics). Fictional media content is thus of interest to many subfields of communication science (e.g., health communication, political communication, gender studies). So far, numerous studies have pointed out that the fictional TV world presents a distorted picture of reality. Apart from the high amount of violence, this concerns, for example, the underrepresentation and stereotypical depiction of women, old people, and minorities, the overrepresentation of certain occupations such as doctors or lawyers, and the stereotypical depiction of illnesses. Overviews of specific topics provide helpful summaries on the state of the art (on mental illness, e.g., Ma 2015; Wahl 2003; on race and sex, e.g. Signorielli 2016).

2 Common Research Designs

Academic research is mostly interested in the content and effects of fictional entertainment. Effect studies typically resort to standardized surveys (e.g. Gerbner and Gross 1976; Minnebo and Eggermont 2007) or apply experimental settings (e.g., Holbrook and Hill 2005; Nitsch and Wünsch 2016). Some scholars also focus on the production side. They conduct interviews with creators, writers, and producers of fictional media content and provide insights into the inner workings of the television and movie industry (e.g., Cantor 2015; Coleman 2008; Kirby 2013; Klein 2011). As for content analyses, both standardized and qualitative approaches are used to analyze fictional entertainment formats. Qualitative approaches comprise textual analyses (e.g., Corner and Richardson 2007; Foss 2012; Ortner 2007; Streiff and Dundes 2017), discourse analyses (e.g., Behera 2015; Wiedemann 2018) and generic analyses (e.g., van Zoonen and Wring 2012). So far, combinations of standardized and qualitative content analyses (e.g., Chesebro 2003; Diriks et al. 2012; Lacalle and Gómez 2016) remain the exception.

Standardized content analyses of TV series and movies differ greatly regarding the analyzed material. Some scholars conduct case studies and analyze individual TV series (e.g., Blanco-Herrero and Rodríguez-Contreras 2019; Eilders and Nitsch 2010; Holbert et al. 2005). Rather common are studies on individual genres such as crime fiction (e.g., Dirikx et al. 2012; Parrott and Parrott 2015), medical shows (e.g., Hetsroni 2009; McLaughlin 1975; Rossmann 2003), daily soaps (e.g., Pelka and Michel 2005) or productions for children (e.g., Hefner et al. 2017; Hendriyani et al. 2016; Martins and Wilson 2012). Other studies comprise a broad range of fictional productions (e.g., Eilders and Nitsch 2015; Gerbner et al. 1980; Igartua et al. 2014) or focus on (prime-time) programming as a whole, thus including both fictional and non-fictional media content (e.g., Chory-Assad and Tamborini 2001; Daalmans et al. 2017; Gerbner et al. 1978).

Inspired by cultivation theory, some studies compare their results to real-life data and point to significant distortions regarding the depiction of crime (e.g., Brown 2001), age structures (e.g., Gerbner et al. 1980), gender distribution (e.g., Prommer and Linke 2019), occupations (e.g., Gehrau 2014) or tobacco use (e.g., Hazan et al. 1994). Other studies focus on comparisons between different fictional genres (e.g., Bilandzic et al. 2017; Krüger 2005) or compare the fictional depictions to the news media (e.g., Daalmans et al. 2017; Nitsch et al. 2021). Longitudinal studies are less common than cross-sectional, but give interesting insights into how the fictional depiction has changed (or remained stable) over time (e.g., Lichter et al. 2000; Paasch-Colberg and Küfner 2012; Signorielli 1989a, b). Cross-country comparisons that try to detect national specifics in the fictional material (e.g., Nitsch and Eilders 2015; Götz et al. 2018) are relatively rare.

Since studies on fictional entertainment often position themselves in the context of cultivation research, combinations of content analysis with surveys are common (e.g., Diefenbach and West 2001, 2007; Gehrau 2014; Lücke 2007; Miller and Reeves 1976; Signorielli 1989b). However, even if content analysis is applied as the only method, scholars usually discuss their results’ implications for potential effects on the audience’s perceptions and attitudes (e.g., Aley and Hahn 2020; Nitsch et al. 2021). The analyses of TV series and movies typically rely on manual coding; automated content analyses (e.g., Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media 2016; Ramakrishna et al. 2017) are not yet established.

3 Main Constructs Employed in Standardized Content Analyses on TV Series and Movies

Content analyses of TV series and movies apply different units of analysis. Coding is frequently done on the level of characters, with some studies distinguishing between major and minor characters (e.g., Gerbner et al. 1980; Hendriyani et al. 2016). Other common units of analysis are the scene and the program, i.e. the (episode of a) TV-series or the movie as such. In rare cases, studies resort to secondary information for coding the relevant variables, for example, to written summaries (Eilders and Nitsch 2014, 2015; Nitsch and Eilders 2014).

Studies on fictional entertainment usually analyze the frequency of occurrence of certain topics (e.g., violence, alcohol use) and characters (e.g., men and women, minorities) and/or how these phenomena and characters are depicted (attributes/stereotypes). The analyses focus on countless aspects, including the representation of morality (e.g., Bilandzic et al. 2018; Daalmans et al. 2017; Dirikx et al. 2012), sexuality (e.g., Dillman Carpentier et al. 2017; Timmermans and van den Bulck 2018), family (e.g., Lacalle and Hidalgo-Marí 2016; Scherer et al. 2005), or accents (Dragojevic et al. 2016). However, the main thematic research foci, constructs and results can be summarized as follows:

  1. 1.

    Representation of violence: Since cultivation theory initially focused on the depiction of violence, a lot of research has analyzed the amount of violence in fictional entertainment (e.g., Gerbner and Gross 1976; Gerbner et al. 1978). In terms of crime types, studies distinguish between violent crime and property crime (burglary) and find violent crime to be overrepresented and burglary to be underrepresented (Diefenbach and West 2001). Other scholars distinguish between social and physical aggression in children’s programs (Martins and Wilson 2012). Studies also examine the characteristics of perpetrators and victims in terms of gender, age and race (e.g., Gerbner and Gross 1976; Gerbner et al. 1978; Parrott and Parrott 2015), showing that white female characters stand the greatest chance of being victims of crime.

  2. 2.

    Sociodemographic characteristics of fictional characters: The majority of studies that deal with characteristics of the fictional characters focuses on gender representations. These studies point to a striking underrepresentation of women in fictional entertainment, which remains stable over time (e.g., González-de Garay et al. 2020; Prommer and Linke 2019; Signorielli 1989b; Sink and Mastro 2017). Women are also occupied in less qualified professions and are often associated with domestic work (e.g., González-de Garay et al. 2020; Miller and Reeves 1976). For princess characters in recent Disney Movies, however, Hine and colleagues (2018) note a positive change since they find a balanced depiction of masculine and feminine character traits. Closely related to gender is the category age of the fictional characters. People of age are generally less likely to appear on screen, and this is even more true for women (e.g., Gerbner et al., 1980; Prommer and Linke 2019). Apart from gender and age, scholars are interested in the fictional depiction of race and minorities (e.g., Banks 1977; Mastro and Greenberg 2000). Immigrants, for example, are underrepresented and negatively depicted in Spanish TV fiction (Igartua et al. 2012). For a popular German crime series, Paasch-Colberg and Küfner (2012) note that migrants increased over time and are mostly shown to be well integrated.

  3. 3.

    Representation of occupations: Scholars are also interested in the frequency and attributes of occupations in fictional entertainment. The professional world as shown in TV series and movies does not resemble real-life. Whereas occupations related to law and order or to health and medicine are clearly overrepresented, many other occupations are practically invisible (e.g., DeFleur 1964; Gehrau 2014; Krüger 2005). Studies that concentrate on individual occupations are interested in attributes such as character traits and sociodemographic characteristics. Most of these studies analyze the portrayal of doctors (sometimes including additional health-related professions). They reveal that doctors are presented in a very positive light (e.g., McLaughlin 1975; Rossmann 2003; Turow and Coe 1985), however, at least in U.S. fiction this positive depiction declines over time (e.g., Pfau et al. 1995; Chory-Assad and Tamborini 2001). Other studies investigate the depiction of politicians (e.g., Holbert et al. 2005; Lichter et al. 2000; Nitsch and Eilders 2015), lawyers (e.g., Pfau et al. 1995), or police officers (e.g., Dirikx et al. 2012).

  4. 4.

    Representation of health-related aspects: Health-related aspects account for another research focus and comprise many different aspects. Apart from the above-mentioned depiction of health related professions, scholars investigate, for example, the depiction of illnesses. Studies demonstrate that dramatic and acute illnesses dominate over chronic illnesses in the fictional world (Hetsroni 2009; Turow and Coe 1985) and that mental illness and mentally ill characters are negatively stereotyped (e.g., Diefenbach and West 2007; Elsayed 2015; Signorielli 1989a). Content analyses on the portrayal of alcohol, illicit drugs and tobacco compare the prevalence of users to real-life statistics, between countries, and over time, and also relate the use of these substances to sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., Barker et al. 2019; Chapoton et al. 2019; Hazan et al. 1994; Long et al. 2002; Russel and Russel 2009). Other scholars analyze the fictional depiction of nutrition (Kaufman 1980; Lücke 2007), of physical activity (Gietzen et al. 2017) or of vaccination (McClaran and Rhodes 2020).

  5. 5.

    Representation of politics and political characters: TV series and movies can also be analyzed regarding their political intensity and their degree of realism (e.g. Eilders and Nitsch 2014, 2015; Nitsch and Eilders 2014). With regard to political topics, studies consider their centrality in individual scenes and distinguish between the three dimensions polity (institutional and normative infrastructure), policy (political issues), and politics (decision-making processes, power relations). They typically find a strong focus on politics and very little attention to polity (Eilders and Nitsch 2010; Nitsch and Eilders 2015; Nitsch, et al. 2021; Jandura et al. 2016). The coding of political characters is not necessarily restricted to professional politicians (see above) but comprises civilian sector employees and state officials (e.g., Eilders and Nitsch 2015; Lichter et al. 2000) or even ordinary citizens who are performing a political action, for example voting or speaking about politics (e.g., Eilders and Nitsch 2010; Nitsch and Eilders 2015). Whereas analyses that consider a broad spectrum of fictional material reveal a negative portrayal of politicians (e.g., Lichter et al. 2000), political dramas tend to portray politicians in a positive light, i.e. as hard working and committed to the common good (e.g., Holbert et al. 2005; Nitsch and Eilders 2015).

4 Research Desiderata

Research on TV series and movies provides us with many insights into how fictional entertainment presents certain aspects of reality. Since this is of interest to many scientific disciplines, studies are somewhat scattered across numerous journals, which aggravates obtaining an overview on the relevant publications. Thus, it would be helpful to have more systematic literature overviews that structure the state of research for the different thematic fields (e.g., occupations/gender etc. in fictional entertainment), and that contain information on the analyzed material and applied variables.

The vast majority of analyzed TV series and movies are U.S. productions. This is due to both a high number of American studies and the fact that American TV series and movies are likely to be broadcast in other countries, too. There is a particular lack of studies on fictional entertainment of non-Western countries and cross-country comparisons. Since cross-country comparisons can reveal interesting national specifics (e.g., Chapoton et al. 2019; Götz et al. 2018), future research should also consider the respective origin of the fictional productions.

In addition, research on fictional entertainment would benefit from extending its focus beyond TV series and movies. Future studies may analyze, for example, new digital formats such as web series and compare the results to televised fiction. Moreover, non-audiovisual media content deserves more attention in standardized content analysis. Audio books are so far only considered in qualitative content analyses (e.g., Strohmeier 2005), and there are only a few examples of standardized content analyses of printed entertainment such as novels (e.g., Nitsch 2011; Zerges 1977). An interesting approach to fictional entertainment is furthermore the recent study by Aley and Hahn (2020) that analyzes gender depictions in posters for children’s movies.

Relevant Variables in DOCA—Database of Variables for Content Analysis

Actors/characters: https://doi.org/10.34778/3a

Political topics: https://doi.org/10.34778/3b

Degree of realism: https://doi.org/10.34778/3c