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Erklärungsansätze der Radikalität und Radikalisierungsmodelle: ein Überblick

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Zur Psychopathologie des Extremismus und Terrorismus
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Zusammenfassung

In diesem Abschnitt werden Hypothesen und Erklärungsansätze vorgestellt, die in der dispositionalen Terrorismus- bzw. Radikalisierungsforschung bemüht werden. Zugleich sei angemerkt, dass eine systematische Reflexion und Prüfung der jeweiligen Postulate im Extremismus-/Terrorismuskontext größtenteils ausblieb.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    „Fundamentally, the four-stage process begins by framing some unsatisfying event, condition, or grievance (It’s not right) as being unjust (It’s not fair). The injustice is blamed on a target policy, person, or nation (It’s your fault). The responsible party is then vilified – often demonized – (You’re Evil), which facilitates justification or impetus for aggression. The model was developed originally as a training heuristic for law enforcement, not as a formal social science theory“ (Borum 2011, S. 39).

  2. 2.

    Im ersten „Stockwerk“ („Perceived options to fight unfair treatment“) befinden sich Personen, die ihre Situation als ungerecht wahrnehmen (psychologische Interpretation materieller Umstände). Dennoch glauben sie noch daran, ihre Situation aus eigener Kraft dank der prozeduralen Gerechtigkeit ändern zu können. Auf der zweiten Ebene („Displacement of aggression“) kommen Personen an, die andere für ihre deprivierte Situation verantwortlich machen. Dort findet eine Fremdgruppen-Zuschreibung der Aggressivität statt. (Dieser Prozess wird durch Meso-Mobilisierungsakteure angesteuert und begünstigt.) Im dritten „Stockwerk“ („Moral engagement“) findet eine moralische Bindung an die terroristische Gruppe statt. Auf der vierten Ebene („Solidification of categorical thinking and the perceived legitimacy oh the terrorist organization“) verfestigt sich die jeweilige Interpretation und die wahrgenommene Legitimität der Gruppe steigt. Im fünften „Stock“ („The terrorist act and sidestepping inhibitory mechanism“) wird abschließend der Terrorakt gegen Zivilisten vorbereitet (Moghaddam 2005).

  3. 3.

    „For many young Muslims, the sense of moral outrage is the start of a process. But by itself, it is not sufficient. This outrage has to fit into a moral universe, to resonate with one’s own experience and to be amplified within a group for it to reach a level where it contributes to the formation of an Islamist terrorist. For that to happen, the person must make sense of the violation and put it into a context that affects him personally and leads to his personal involvement. This is the role of an enabling interpretation. […] It is more likely to be adopted if the idea that there is a war against Islam resonates with one’s everyday experiences. If this is the case, then the overall perspective that there is a war against Islam bridges global moral violations perpetrated in foreign countries and local grievances. With this local link, global moral outrage acquires a new relevance and immediacy. […] They started living in their own world, trying to imitate the heroism of the Salaf, who waged constant war against tribal enemies in the seventh century. This experience of faith and commitment was grounded in intense group dynamics that completely transformed them in a process of in-group love. With the gradual intensity of interaction within the group and the progressive distance from former ties, they changed their values. From secular people, they became more religious. From material rewards, they began to value spiritual rewards, including eventually otherworldly rewards. From the pursuit of short-term opportunities, they turned to a long-term vision of the world. They abandoned their individual concerns for community concerns and became ready to sacrifice for comrades and the cause. Here, the group acts as an interactive ‚echo chamber‘, encouraging escalation of grievances and beliefs in conspiracy to the point of hatred“ (Moghaddam 2005).

  4. 4.

    „1) cognitive opening – an individual becomes receptive to the possibility of new ideas and worldviews; 2) religious seeking – the individual seeks meaning through a religious idiom; 3) frame alignment – the public representation proffered by the radical group „makes sense“ to the seeker and attracts his or her initial interest; 4) socialization – the individual experiences religious lessons and activities that facilitate indoctrination, identity-construction, and value changes. The first three processes are necessary prior conditions for the fourth (socialization). In other words, if an individual is not open to new ideas, does not encounter the movement message, or rejects the movement message after initial exposure, he or she will not participate in the kinds of movement activities necessary to fully disseminate the ideology and convince an individual to join“ (Moghaddam 2005).

  5. 5.

    1) Individuelle Ebene: personal victimization (persönliche Unrechtserfahrungen), political grievance (politische Missstände); joining a radical group – the slippery slope (Radikalisierung als Sozialisation), joining a radical group – the power of love (Radikalisierung als Zuneigung); 2) Gruppen-Ebene: extremity shift in likeminded groups (Polarisierung von Gruppen), extreme cohesion under isolation and threat (Verhärtung von Gruppen infolge der Auseinandersetzungen mit der Staatsmacht), competition for the same base of support (Konkurrenz und Überbietungswettbewerb), competition with state power – condensation (Auseinandersetzungen mit der Staatsmacht), within-group competition – fissioning (Fraktionalisierung von Gruppen infolge des gruppeninternen Wettbewerbs); 3) Massen-Ebene: conflict with an outgroup – jujitsu politics (Provokationen weiterer Radikalisierungen), conflict with an outgroup – hate, martyrdom (McCauley und Moskalenko 2008, S. 419).

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Correspondence to Michail Logvinov .

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Logvinov, M. (2019). Erklärungsansätze der Radikalität und Radikalisierungsmodelle: ein Überblick. In: Zur Psychopathologie des Extremismus und Terrorismus. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-23816-2_3

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