Abstract
The introduction begins with a critical reading of data on religious affiliation from the 2009 Kenyan national census. I note how quantitative data on religion often fails to take into account how categories of religious identification often overlap and how degrees of de facto commitment may vary. I further note that the census’ use of categories such as “other Christian,” “no religion,” “other religions,” and “don’t know” raise at least as many questions as they answer. Formal religious categories are challenged by the “messiness” of de facto religious identities, as demonstrated by the brief introduction of five interviewees. The introduction then summarizes the religious repertoire model (fully developed in Chapter 2), before discussing the baggage and connotations that make everyday religious terms such as conversion and even religion challenging and potentially problematic. The section concludes with a presentation of my research methodology.
It is fine going to maybe five churches, but it is too much going to twenty.
(Judy)
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Notes
- 1.
Throughout this work, and in line with my interviewee’s common parlance, the term “Catholic” refers exclusively to the Roman Catholic Church .
- 2.
According to these statistics, Christians form about 82.6% of the general population. Other estimates might be a bit lower or higher and range between 80 and 85%. For instance, John Lonsdale refers to “educated ‘guesstimates’” by which Kenyans are about 80% Christians, 7.3% Muslims , and 11.55% “traditionalists” (Lonsdale 2009, 63).
- 3.
According to the 2009 census, Kenya’s Somali population amounted to nearly 2.5 million people—many of whom escaping their country’s prolonged civil war. However, “the explosion of the Somali population caused tension” that led to contestation over these figures and to the partial cancelation of census data related to the North Eastern region where a large portion of the Somali population resides (Wafula, 31 March 2018).
- 4.
Interestingly, there has been an attempt to propose tentative statistics concerning multiple religious affiliations in Kenya. According to David Barrett, George Kurian, and Todd Johnson (2001, vol. III, 426), the percentage of Kenyan Christians with affiliation with more than one Christian denomination is rapidly growing, standing at over 4% in the mid-2000s and predicted to rise to over 9% by 2025. It goes without saying that such statistics—and in particular, such predictions—should be taken with more than a grain of salt.
- 5.
In their reader on syncretism in religion, Anita Maria Leopold and Jeppe Sinding Jensen (2004) have collected a number of articles, suggesting that the historical origins of some of the world’s most well-established religions are perhaps more syncretistic than is usually recognized.
- 6.
Five more case studies are discussed in greater detail toward the end of this work, in Chapter 8, in which I apply the observations and theoretical tools developed throughout this study.
- 7.
The importance of tithing as an indication of membership is considered in Chapter 6.
- 8.
The same story is broached by my interviewee Rose in Chapter 5.
- 9.
A technical, universal term for the energetic musical performance section of a church service , often involving the audience. However, Steve seems to employ the term more broadly.
- 10.
The use of the term “system” in no way intends to posit a mechanical, deterministic scheme. Rather, my use of the term should be understood simply as recognition of the interconnectedness and coming together of the constitutive parts that comprise religious identity , as explored in Chapter 7.
- 11.
The decision to employ the term religious forms rather than the term religious denomination , to which it roughly corresponds, is explained in Chapter 3.
- 12.
Orwell continues by rejecting this view, saying that “[o]f course a tramp is not a nomadic atavism – one might as well say that a commercial traveler is an atavism” (Orwell 2001 [1933], 203–204).
- 13.
I recall one vivid illustration of such a gap when I showed a recently published academic article on Christianity in Nairobi, written by a Western scholar, to one of my interlocutors from Kibera . I recall my interlocutor’s puzzlement at the way in which religious behavior in his very community had been portrayed and by the reasoning that the scholar attributed to practitioners’ behavior. My companion then went on to put forward an alternative explanation, which in his view was much more intuitive and which was not raised by the scholar.
- 14.
Nairobi Pentecostal Church is also known as CITAM, but this latter name is less commonly used. It is sometimes referred to as an Evangelical church, but the distinction between this category and Pentecostalism manages to confuse even the Kenyan religious specialists to whom I spoke.
- 15.
Thus, Meyer (2004) speaks of “Pentecostal-Charismatic Churches” or PCC in short.
- 16.
Out of this total, seventy-two interviews were conducted in Nairobi and fifteen in Kisumu. In fact, I conducted about a hundred such interviews in total, but several were dropped due to various reasons, including lack of mutual trust and poor English skills on the part of the interviewee.
- 17.
According to the CIA World Factbook (CIA 2017), Kenyans’ median age stands at 19.5 years (19.6 for females and 19.4 for males), making Kenyan population among the youngest in the world.
- 18.
Two interviewees refused to be recorded.
- 19.
The guide and the categories for analysis for the interview data were all elaborated jointly with the Project StAR team. About half of my interviewees were analyzed using NVivo QSR software and were then digitally compared to findings from the project’s other sites; the rest were analyzed by hand.
- 20.
Linda van de Kamp (2011) recounts a very different experience in Mozambique, where she attributes interviewees’ suspicion toward her questioning to the country’s long-lasting civil war.
- 21.
Dissertations were gathered in August-September 2012 from libraries at: the University of Nairobi ; the Catholic University of East Africa (including both the main campus as well as a constituent institute, Hekima College); Kenyatta University ; IFRA; and the Nairobi Evangelical Graduate School of Theology . During that period, I also visited the central library at Strathmore University, where I found no relevant material.
- 22.
The Nairobi Urban Integration Research Project was a wide-scale collaborative research project between the University of Nairobi and IFRA that ran in the early 2000s. Its main purpose was “to measure the medium- or long-term effects of the macroeconomic changes (e.g., in economic policy, in legislation, etc.) on integration of individuals into the city” (Bocquier et al. 2009, 17).
- 23.
Also consider the special issue of Études Littéraires Africaines, whose six articles were all dedicated to the theme of “Nairobi: urbanité contemporaine” (Journo 2011).
- 24.
I thank Hervé Maupeu for having proposed this idea to me and for providing me with some titles.
- 25.
For about half a year, between mid-2012 and early 2013, I systematically combed all issues in these two newspapers search for references to religion, which I then analyzed using NVivo QSR—an exercise that was then replaced by more loose and targeted search around particular topics. Also, for a short while, I tried collecting Christian newspapers, many of which are sold by streets hawkers. However, as I noted that these newspapers’ dogmatic tone makes them of little interest to the study of lived religion, I did not pursue this strand this for long (cf. Séraphin 2003).
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Gez, Y.N. (2018). Introduction. In: Traditional Churches, Born Again Christianity, and Pentecostalism. Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90641-6_1
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