Keywords

3.1 Introduction

Central Business Districts (CBDs) are at the heart of towns and cities in terms of economic trade conducted by formal and informal businesses. This chapter explores the Setsing CBD in more detail, looking at how land use planning practices can be utilised to ensure sustainable expansion to unlock economic value. Setsing has experienced growth in the demand for land for formal businesses and informal trade over the years. This resulted in a contestation between formal business and informal trade taking place on sidewalks dedicated to pedestrian movement.

3.1.1 Aim of the Study

The aim of this study is to explore planning for the expansion of the Phuthaditjhaba CBD through UN Sustainable Development Goals. The aim of the study was firstly supported by the inclusion of SDG 11 on sustainable cities and communities. The second support to the aim of the study was the New Urban Agenda (NUA), with eight focal points for human settlements. The third support relates to the seven goals of African Agenda 2063’s first aspiration. The fourth support is the National Development Plan (NDP), which contains 15 chapters with the key issues it intends to address. However, only Chaps. 3, 4, 5, 6 and 8 were relevant to this study. The fifth support is the Integrated Urban Development Framework in responding to urbanisation that focuses on large urban centres but offers relevant guidelines for smaller urban centres such as Phuthaditjhaba. Lastly, support is offered by the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act No. 16 of 2013 as legislation for spatially sound development with context-specific land use management.

The background of the study area will be discussed first. This is followed by the methodology of how the study was conducted. The third section discusses the sustainable development concepts and effects in Africa, followed by the fourth section on sustainable development policy. This will also include a discussion of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the New Urban Agenda, Agenda 2063, the National Development Plan (NDP), the Integrated Urban Development Framework (IUDF) and the Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act. The findings will be discussed from observations and participant interviews about the current challenges Setsing is facing. The final discussion outlines findings in keeping with the literature and policy to propose options for the issue at hand.

3.2 Background of Study Area

Phuthaditjhaba is a town in QwaQwa, a mountainous region in the eastern Free State bordering Lesotho. The town is surrounded by villages creating a peri-urban region around it. QwaQwa was established in 1974 under the apartheid regime as a homeland for the southern Sotho (often called Basotho) people in South Africa. Since December 2000, QwaQwa was incorporated as the urban centre of the Maluti-a-Phofung (MAP) Local Municipality, which also includes Harrismith, Tshiame and Kestell. The Basotho forcefully sent to QwaQwa came from farms and towns in the Free State and across the country. Those from farms were settled in rural villages. Furthermore, Phuthaditjhaba was established as a town to accommodate those from towns. Villagers received employment and land from local chiefs, and those in Phuthaditjhaba received preferential employment for civil work and industrial production.

Phuthaditjhaba comprises 13 sections, and the CBD is known as Setsing. In the 1980s, the government invested in Setsing via the QwaQwa Development Corporation to create a new capital for the region. Outlying villages had smaller shopping centres to serve their communities. Setsing contains a mix of uses such as a hospital, municipal offices, a library, shopping centres, administrative office blocks, taxi ranks and informal traders’ stalls. Besides providing commercial and social services, the CBD is currently the transport hub for the area within QwaQwa and the wider region, including Lesotho.

QwaQwa experienced outward migration from 1991 to 1995 (Cooper et al. 1994) when apartheid influx controls were abolished. However, the population increased by 0.71% from 1996 to 2000, experiencing a decline of −0.69% from 2001 to 2011 (Housing Development Agency 2014). Unfortunately, due to often unreliable apartheid statistics, the population statistics of QwaQwa between 1991 and 2010 were inconsistent (Palamuleni 2010). The population of QwaQwa stood at approximately 280 000 by 2011 (Denoon-Stevens and Mocwagae 2019:4).

MAP is a municipality with grave governance problems, an ageing infrastructure that has suffered from many serious acts of vandalism (Parliamentary Monitoring Group 2020), and an unstable administration. These governance problems will constrain the implementation of any but the most urgent projects, limit service delivery of the most essential services and hinder any long-term planning. The focus will be on immediate crises rather than future needs and problems that could or will arise in the future due to unsustainable actions in the present. The lack of action in protecting a fragile montane environment will also have consequences for the entire socio-ecological system (Walker and Salt 2006).

3.3 Methodology

An exploratory qualitative research method was employed. This was deemed the best suited to explore how Setsing can be sustainably expanded through land-use planning practices. It allowed for an in-depth exploration of the problem and how it affected its intended end-users (Creswell and Plano Clark 2006:75). Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, telephonic interviews were conducted with homeowners identified as participants through purposeful sampling. Interviews with business people were conducted in 2019. Secondary data were collected from municipal policy documents, legislation and academic publications. Six homeowners and six businesses participated in the research and could respond in both Sesotho and English. Content analysis was undertaken to identify land-use practices that will allow Setsing to expand. Participation was voluntary, and target participants could choose not to participate.

3.3.1 Study Site

Setsing was established in the 1980s to serve major commercial activities of the QwaQwa homeland (Cooper et al. 1984). However, after QwaQwa was reintegrated into South Africa in 1994, planning interventions have not been proactive in addressing the future demand and the expansion of Setsing. As shown in Fig. 3.1, Setsing is surrounded by residential dwellings of Phuthaditjhaba. Major commercial activities and services provided by Setsing include supermarkets, clothing stores, social services, informal trade, taxi interchanges, furniture stores, and financial services. Setsing is at risk of being stifled by informal traders (Slater 2002) and suffers from poor municipal maintenance.

Fig. 3.1
figure 1

Source Adapted from Campbell (1996), Connelly (2007), Haughton (1999) and Jabareen (2008)

Assumptions and sustainable development concepts.

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Google Earth (2021) was used to determine the land extent of QwaQwa and Setsing. The total land extent of QwaQwa is 206 km2 (20 600 ha), with an official total population of 284 729, comprising 54 661 (19%) in Phuthaditjhaba and 230 068 (81%) in villages (Statistics South Africa, 2012). The current land extent for Setsing is approximately 0.39 km2 (39.04 ha). Thus, Setsing forms 0.19% of the total land extent occupied by the entire population of QwaQwa and surrounding towns as a central place within the MAP. When compared to Bloemfontein, a city of similar size in terms of a total land area of 236.2 km2 (23 620 ha) with a CBD of 2.58 km2 (258 ha) that takes up 1.09% of the total land area, it is clear that Setsing has far too little land (Statistics South Africa, 2016). The QwaQwa Development Corporation, now known as the Free State Development Corporation, developed most of the buildings in Setsing in the 1980s (Cooper et al. 1984).

3.4 Sustainable Development: Concepts and Effects in Africa

For sustainable development to be sufficiently delineated, constructs of sustainable development and urban governance were explored. Sustainable development through its concepts and their effects on Africa is discussed in two sections. The first section discusses the constructions of sustainable development, which delineates the origins of the concept of sustainable development globally. The second section delineates how South Africa adopted sustainable development and has incorporated it into its urban governance.

3.4.1 Constructs of Sustainable Development

Sustainable development is a very well-known concept now. However, rapid population growth, fears about resource depletion and the impacts of development on the environment, coupled with widening gaps between the Global North and South, spurred an international awareness of the limits to growth and the subsequent United Nations Conference on the Human Environment in 1972 (Du Pisani 2006:91; Gough 2017). The awareness was intensified by the first images of Earth from space, which emphasised the finiteness of the planet and its resources (Du Plessis 2000:2; Foody et al. 2019).

The Brundtland Report (World Commission on Environment and Development 1987) provides the most widely-quoted definition of sustainable development. It is implicit in South Africa’s Bill of Rights in Chapter 2 of the Constitution (1996, Section 24). The centrality of humans in sustainable development is clear in this definition that concerns the survival of humans now and in the future. It assumes that social equity, conserving the environment and economic development are possible (Du Pisani 2006:92). However, other views support, oppose or modify this interpretation (Connelly 2007; Du Plessis 2000; Haughton 1999; Williams and Millington 2004). Most discussions concerning the meaning of sustainable development acknowledge that it is a ‘slippery’ concept that can be adjusted to suit a particular agenda (Du Pisani 2006; Jabareen 2008; Meadowcroft 2007; Hajian and Kashani 2021). In more recent times, Sachs (2015:42) emphasised that interlinkages between society, environment, politics and economy should be found through SDGs to create a global path for sustainability.

Many descriptions of sustainable development contain the three competing goals of protecting the environment, ensuring equity and social justice and enabling economic growth. See Fig. 3.2 for the assumptions behind some of these goals. These tensions are described by Campbell (1996, 2016). The first tension is the resource conflict between the environmental or ecological perspective and a more market-driven view. Jabareen (2008:181) termed this tension an ethical paradox between a sustainable state that can be maintained perpetually and development that implies environmental intervention.

Fig. 3.2
figure 2

Source Google Earth (2021)

Setsing Locality outlined in yellow.

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In contrast, the concept of sustainable development suggests that humans can continue extracting resources but in a manner that does not lead to self-destruction. The ecological or deep green approach seeks to limit human activities and consumption levels in favour of the environment, while a light green or greenwash view assumes that technology will solve many of the current problems, along with recycling and reducing the demand for non-renewable resources and economic growth that is essential to create wealth (Connelly 2007; Du Plessis 2000; Haughton 1999; Khanna et al. 2019). However, several authors now argue that well-being, not growth, should be the path to sustainable development, particularly in cities, as there is increased urbanisation globally (Fioramonti et al. 2019; Lang and Marsden 2018).

The second tension is between environmental protection and social justice. It is particularly pertinent to the Global South, where leaders contend that there cannot be sustainability without development (Jabareen 2008:188) and where the people aspire to the resource-intensive lifestyle of the wealthy Global North (Du Plessis 2000). This contestation also reveals critical differences between a long-term view of the future and one focused on immediate issues (ranging from conspicuous consumption to the basic survival needs of the poor).

Campbell’s property conflict describes the economic relations between economic development and the demands for social justice and greater equity (Brenner et al. 2009; Campbell 1996). These include community participation in planning and governance (Fainstein 2014). Social justice has been linked to the “right to the city”, which concerns actions to reclaim the city as a space beneficial for all in response to capitalism that led to spatial inequality (Parnell and Pieterse 2010; Duff 2017).

The tensions created by the factors of the sustainability triangle (see Fig. 3.2) require a solid relationship between society and the environment for economic benefits and social justice to be achieved by cities. These factors, if not adequately addressed, pose a significant threat to the sustainability of any city. It should be noted that the factors of the sustainability triangle should be addressed according to the context in which they are being planned.

3.4.2 Sustainable Development and Urban Governance in South Africa

Sustainable development is multidimensional, as evidenced by the many SDGs focusing on the various facets of such development. Inevitably, tensions and disputes will arise from diverse perspectives and agendas (Strezov et al. 2017). Campbell (1996, 2016) identified three conflicts that urban development should manage: (i) the development conflict (between equity and the environment); (ii) the resource conflict (between the economy and the environment); and (iii) the property conflict (between equity and the economy). He further expounded on the tensions between environmental and equity goals (Campbell, 2013). Such tension ranges from a global scale, where human needs are rapidly overwhelming the ability of the environment to continuously meet them, to the local scale, including conflicts around informality, contestations between the established citizens and the marginalised communities, who still seek their rights to the city and their impact on both economy and environment (Paller 2020).

Good governance is essential for sustainable development, and as is captured in SDG 16, this requires strong institutions. Governance includes planning and policymaking, public debate, political decision-making, and implementing those plans and policies (Meadowcroft 2007:299). Governance also implies partnerships with groups outside of the government (Van Doeveren 2011). Key players in the South African context are all three spheres of government, the private economic sector and civil society (Haywood et al. 2019). Local government is particularly important, although the relationships between national, provincial and local governments are poor (South Africa, The Presidency 2014). Also, trust in government is declining due to rampant corruption (Masuku and Jili 2019; Taylor et al. 2020).

Many municipalities struggle to perform their social and economic development mandates for several reasons, including a lack of capable officials and the inability to generate and collect revenue, leading to financial crises and irregular and wasteful expenditure (Auditor-General 2020; Masuku and Jili 2019). The consequence of the underperformance of local government is a lack of service delivery, with the poor suffering the most as they cannot afford alternative services. Crisis management precludes the Maluti-a-Phofung Local Municipality from effective long-term planning and development (Isserman 2014). It is expected to detract from the serious commitment to sustainable development.

3.5 The Sustainable Development Policy Agenda

The sustainable development policy agenda consists of global and South African policies that foster sustainable development: United Nations Sustainable Goals, New Urban Agenda, Urban Agenda 2063, National Development Plan, Integrated Urban Development Framework, and Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act.

3.5.1 The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals

In 2015, 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals were adopted to enhance the world’s prosperity and protect people (United Nations 2015). The UN SDGs are a 2030 vision to address sustainable development as the globe’s greatest challenge. SDGs are a more integrated build-up of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that incorporate new ideas (Hák et al. 2016:253; Le Blanc 2015), facilitating the integration of multiple sectors.

Patel et al. (2017) emphasised that the success of SDG 11 depends on the accessibility and availability of robust data and the reconfiguration of governance systems accordingly. With the challenge of a lack of resources in the Maluti-a-Phofung Local Municipality, an investment in data collection and analysis to achieve sustainability in cities and QwaQwa, in particular, is essential (Thomas et al. 2020). Arfvidsson et al. (2017) state that informality has not been sufficiently addressed and mentions a need for raising awareness of strategies to resolve issues and build the capacity of local government. What has become increasingly evident with SDG 11 is that data collection systems have to be in place to improve the quality of decisions made by MAP to plan sustainably for the expansion of Setsing (Croese et al. 2021; Klopp and Petretta 2017; Almeida et al. 2018).

SDG goals provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels. In addition to SDG 11, SDGs 1, 8, 9, 14 and 16 are particularly relevant to this study. These goals focus on ending poverty, promoting sustainable growth and employment, building resilient infrastructure, conserving the marine environment, and promoting peaceful, inclusive societies for sustainable development.

3.5.2 New Urban Agenda

The United Nations (2017) adopted the New Urban Agenda (NUA), envisioning a better and more sustainable future. The NUA is a tool to assist in creating more sustainable development in areas of high urbanisation in both developing and developed countries (Caprotti et al. 2017). The NUA has eight focal points for human settlements, but this study focused on only one. This point aims to meet current opportunities and challenges, and also, to prepare for a future inclusive of sustainable economic growth, high productivity, leveraging of urbanisation, harnessing local economies, value-added activities and being resource-efficient, and embracing the role that the informal economy plays while transitioning into the formal economy. This focal point’s is relevant to the intention of this study to plan for the expansion of Setsing.

As far as the NUA is concerned, many countries face challenges in planning sustainable urban settlements (Mycoo 2017:68). Even though the NUA has good intentions, Satterthwaite (2016:3) considered it merely a condensed version of the 100-page Habitat II of 1996 because the NUA is highly dependent on the political will of its member states. Satterthwaite further stated that it offers nothing new because all the solutions we need are already available, depending on how deliberate we are about dealing with our issues. For Kaika (2017:89), the NUA is merely a paradigm shift of the SDGs that still use old methodologies that yield the results of broadening the gap between the haves and have-nots. Nonetheless the inclusion and sustainability of urban areas are important (UN Habitat 2020) as the world has become more urbanised, with over 50% of the population living in urban areas (Chirisa 2008:362). South Africa is also over 60% urbanised (World Bank 2019).

With these concerns being considered, planning for the expansion of Setsing should reduce reliance on political will, consider methods employed elsewhere and ensure that the gap between ‘the haves and have-nots’ does not widen further.

3.5.3 Agenda 2063

Agenda 2063 is an ambition of the African Union Commission to entrench a culture of gender equality, human rights, inclusion, democracy, safety and security, prosperity, and promote the collective interest for all. Agenda 2063 (African Union Commission 2015:7) has seven aspirations it aims to achieve by 2063. These include ideals of a prosperous, united, peaceful Africa, characterised by sustainable development, a concern for women and youth, and a strong, values-based cultural identity.

Of the seven aspirations of Agenda 2063, Aspiration 1 is relevant to the study as it focuses on sustainable development and inclusive growth. Aspiration 1 has seven goals, of which only goals 1 and 4 were relevant to the study with its priority areas as discussed in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1 Aspiration 1 of Agenda 2063
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According to Mhangara et al. (2019:399), Agenda 2063 can create shared prosperity, wealth creation, transformative capacities and a sustainable environment if sustainability is placed at the centre of planning. By planning for the expansion of Setsing, there is potential for a positive economic impact on the community at large.

Even with the positive aspirations of the SDGs, NUA, and Agenda 2063, the current institutional arrangements would make it challenging to implement these aspirations effectively to realise development, change, transformation and integration (DeGhetto et al. 2016:98). Slavova and Okwechime (2016:3) analysed Agenda 2063’s sustainability from a Smart Cities point of view and listed the following challenges: inadequate physical infrastructure; unemployment and informal urban economy; urban slums and informal settlements; unsustainable, poor quality, and segregated social services; and vulnerability relating to environmental, food security and climate change risks. Amupanda (2018:56) rightfully stated that, despite the continent of Africa having the largest youth population, not enough effort has been put into enabling them to participate meaningfully in development. The challenges raised here must be considered when planning to expand Setsing through UN SDGs.

3.5.4 National Development Plan

The NDP is the long-term South African government vision adopted by the government led by the African National Congress (ANC) in 2013. It aimed to eliminate poverty and reduce inequality for all citizens (National Planning Commission 2012). Its goals are only attainable through the collective effort of people to build capacity, promote leadership, grow an inclusive economy, and through partnerships with society (Alloggio and Thomas 2013; Zarenda 2013).

The NDP contains 15 chapters with the key issues it intends to address, with only five chapters relevant to this study. These include Chap. 3: Economy and employment; Chap. 4: Economic infrastructure (hygienic drinking water and sanitation systems in particular); Chap. 5: Transforming to a low-carbon economy; Chap. 6: Inclusive rural economy (Phuthaditjhaba is regarded as an urban centre in a rural economy) and Chap. 8: Human settlements, where urban planning is of particular importance.

3.5.5 Integrated Urban Development Framework

In 2016, the South African Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA) introduced the IUDF as a response to urbanisation. This framework primarily focused on large urban centres rather than smaller ones such as Phuthaditjhaba. However, the study considered the IUDF a critical element in achieving the SDG goals in Phuthaditjhaba. The IUDF is a response to the SDGs, particularly Goal 11: Making cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. Furthermore, the IUDF is an expansion of Chap. 8 of the NDP: Transforming human settlements and the national space economy that includes measurable and meaningful progress. It also includes rural areas with more balanced, integrated and vibrant urban settlements relating to the sphere of influence of Phuthaditjhaba to the villages in QwaQwa (South Africa, COGTA, 2016).

The IUDF includes four strategic goals: (1) Governance, (2) Spatial integration, (3) Growth and (4) Inclusion and access. Based on these four strategic objectives, there are nine policy levers in the IUDF:

(1) integrated urban planning forms the basis for achieving integrated urban development, which follows a specific sequence of urban policy actions: (2) integrated transport that informs (3) targeted investments into integrated human settlements, underpinned by (4) integrated infrastructure network systems and (5) efficient land governance, which altogether can trigger (6) economic diversification and inclusion, and (7) empowered communities; all of the above will demand effective (8) governance and (9) financial reform to enable and sustain these policy actions. The levers thus seek to address in combination the structural drivers that maintain the status quo (South Africa, COGTA 2016:8).

De Beer’s (2016) study of the challenges that the IUDF hopes to address asserted that the IUDF has the potential to make cities more inclusive of the urban poor and disenfranchised, where equal liberation for all citizens will be the result. De Beer proposed five areas of focus for political and theological action: new economics, consciousness from below, collaborative knowledge generation, socio-spatial transformation and different politics. Richter et al. (2020) suggested an urban integration model that stakeholders can tackle by first focusing on technology solutions and providing the necessary detail for the specific context. IUDF interventions will be most suitable if they introduce new infrastructure service provisions and use resources cost-effectively in a green economy (Fieuw et al. 2019).

3.5.6 Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act No. 16 of 2013

The Spatial Planning and Land Use Management Act (SPLUMA) No. 16 of 2013 is a framework for planning, spatial policy and land use management that is more inclusive of rural and informal areas that were not included during apartheid (Nel 2016a). Kruger (2014) and Van Wyk (2015) have cited SPLUMA as the first key piece of legislation that aims to address past injustices in South Africa. SPLUMA is thus legislation for sustainability and creating equitable development through land use management tools (Nel 2016b and Schoeman 2017).

SPLUMA is centred around five principles: (1) spatial sustainability (including state involvement in food security, settlement sustainability, and innovative planning); (2) spatial resilience (context-specific, flexible measures ensure sustainable livelihoods and build resilience against unexpected life events) (3) spatial justice (redressing past injustices in development and ownership through upgrading, among others); (4) good administration (including planning and decision-making tools, community empowerment through public participation, and spatial performance management); and (5) efficiency (promoting efficient, good governance to optimise current resources and reduce negative economic, socio-cultural and environmental aspects).

3.6 Land Use Planning

Land Use Planning (LUP) is a component of the broad discipline of Urban and Regional Planning of the built environment, which is an approach to negotiating decisions for sustainable land use that includes initiating and monitoring implementation (Amler et al. 1999). Taylor (2010) argues that LUP is used interchangeably with spatial planning as it includes a wide range of planning documents that focus on social, environmental and economic aspects of settlements. Liu and Zhou (2021) further define spatial planning as long-term planning and the arrangement of space layout of land resources of a region or country with the aim of scientific management and effective control of territorial space while promoting a balance between protection and development. Lastly, for Metternicht (2017), LUP contributes to sustainable land management that includes economic, socio-cultural and ecological dimensions of sustainable development through the processes of land use design, land use planning and land development.

3.6.1 Zoning as a Land-Use Tool

With an understanding of what LUP and spatial planning are, the primary means of implementing LUP is zoning; a tool involving dividing larger areas into units or zones according to interrelations and characteristics (Amler et al. 1999; Karimi and Adams 2019, and National Research Council 2009). According to Metternicht (2017), zoning is a practice that drives forces of change to promote environmentally-sound land use and management, leading to reduced land degradation, resolving conflicts of land demand, ecosystem rehabilitation and enhancing territorial cohesion towards sustainability. Such zoning, therefore, plays an essential role in how land is utilised and managed in a large area to be representative of the various needs that arise. Zoning is separated into base and overlay zones.

3.6.1.1 Form Based Codes 

Base zoning, also known as form-based zoning, regulates land use and form that may take place through form-based codes that determine the physical structure of a community to create adaptable and walkable environments (Chandler and Dale 2001; Hughen and Read 2017; Qurnfulah and Isah 2019). In the international context, zoning regulation is implemented through zoning ordinances (Juergensmeyer and Roberts 2013). In the South African context, bylaws are used to respond to the local context of municipalities drawing from SPLUMA (Nel 2016a).

SPLUMA further requires municipalities to produce land-use schemes (LUS) for land use management and regulation that include slums, informal settlements, and areas previously not subject to LUS, such as Phuthaditjhaba and the greater QwaQwa area (Van Wyk 2015 and Nel 2016a). LUS consist of land zoning codes with land uses and zoning maps (Denoon-Stevens 2016). The most common types of zoning codes are residential, commercial/business, institutional/school, administrative/government, mixed-use, public open space, industrial and special zonings specific to the town/city (Lemar 2015; Kazemzadeh-Zowet al. 2017; Nel 2016a, b). Zoning is regulated through specific regulations controlling density or bulk, parking size, floor area ratio and height (Chandler and Dale 2001). A zoning map depicts the allowable uses of certain land areas by the municipality, property developers, residents and business people (Denoon-Stevens 2016; Tafreshi and Tafreshi 2021; Ciurleo et al. 2016). Base zoning is greatly considered in the study as it forms a critical part of the technical implementation of land uses that can assist with expanding the Phuthaditjhaba CBD through SDGs.

3.6.1.2 Overlay Zoning

Overlay zoning is a tool used to create special zoning districts placed over existing base zones (Gravin 2001). Furthermore, overlay zones cut across multiple base zone boundaries to create an overlay for intended outcomes (Robayna 2018). Overlay zoning is generally grouped into four districts: commercial, residential, manufacturing and apartment (Shertzer et al. 2018). Overlay zoning can be utilised to incentivise the development of a city that is beneficial for property owners and community members (Clarke and Mogassabi 2019). It is also a critical tool that the study considers to assist with expanding the Phuthaditjhaba CBD through SDGs.

3.7 Findings

The findings in the chapter are grouped into two themes, namely perceptions of surrounding homeowners and responses from businesses.

3.7.1 Perceptions of Surrounding Homeowners

The inclusion of homeowners was based on a 1 km proximity to Setsing. Six homeowners (numbered H1 to H6) participated in the study and shared their perceptions regarding the topic. The results of the findings are discussed in chronological order of the questions to which homeowners responded. These homeowners indicated their time as residents of QwaQwa ranging from 33 to 54 years, demonstrating that they have lived there long enough to have an informed opinion of Setsing. It is worth noting that of the six homeowners, two had received ownership of their homes from their parents that moved out of QwaQwa.

It was important to establish what all homeowners thought of land provision for current and future commercial activities in Setsing. All six participants agreed that this was not sufficient for current activities or future expansion. They remarked as follows:

Setsing is too congested. The walkways are not in a good condition. Not forgetting the traffic congestion issue that is made worse by traffic lights that do not work (H1).

The town is too small. Near Bibi Cash and Carry it’s too congested. Street vendors are also packed everywhere. Pirate taxis are also an issue for me. There is no order in Setsing! The shops are too packed in town, which leads to a lot of crime. I think banks should also consider opening branches in villages (H2).

There is a need for provision of more roads in town. From my previous participation in the Land Advisory Committee of QwaQwa, things were planned for correctly. But, as you can see, the town doesn’t have enough provision to grow (H3).

The homeowners were asked to indicate if they knew what town planning (urban and regional planning) was and how it affected their property. Of the six homeowners, only two clearly understood what town planning entailed and its effects on their properties. Four homeowners indicated that they did not understand what town planning was, stating:

I have heard of it, and my daughter does it, but I do not really know what it is about (H2).

I think town planning has something to do with planning new towns. I am not sure how it affects my property, though (H4).

I think town planning has to do with planning new areas (H5). I have heard of it before, but I am not sure what it is about (H6).

An explanation was offered to those that did not know what town planning is and how it affects their property. Land use management is the relevant town planning activity for assigning land use rights to a property based on the context and the needs of the time. To ascertain future sustainability, tools such as the SDF, integrated development plan and growth and development strategies are used for long-term planning for specified areas.

The final question was whether the homeowners would be willing to leverage (sell or trade on) their properties to allow Setsing to have some expansion options. There was an even split between the six homeowners as three indicated that they would be willing to leverage their properties to allow Setsing to expand:

I would be willing to sell my property because we experience a lot of criminal elements from the homeless drug addicts that live in town and loiter in my community due [to] its close proximity (H1).

I currently run a business from the house my parents gave me that is profitable because I live near town. This suggests to me that there is great opportunity for anyone that is willing to develop because the demand is there (H5).

I would be willing to participate in leveraging from my property because I have a guesthouse. QwaQwa is in need for such considerations needed because our town needs to develop for us to benefit economically (H6).

The remaining three homeowners disagreed:

No. At the age of 72, I am no longer interested in participating in those sort of things. I have done my time and need to rest now (H4).

I have lived here for too long, and this is where I would like to spend the last days of my life (H3).

I am not willing to participate in this but am sure that other people would be willing to. I have invested time and money into building my home (H2).

3.7.2 Responses from Businesses on the Expansion of the CBD

The business respondents were from two formal and three informal businesses operating in Setsing and one business located in a neighbouring section of Phuthaditjhaba. It was important to obtain the responses from business participants (BPs) because they currently provide goods and services to the residents of QwaQwa and neighbouring towns and already offer employment opportunities to the QwaQwa community. All six BPs indicated that they felt Phuthaditjhaba needed planning interventions for expansion. Due to the nature of their business not being the same, the BPs offered different ideas.

BP1 is a formal business that sells weight loss products from a rented office space, whose representative stated:

There are many people in QwaQwa, who, like myself, would like to participate in business. However, the challenge of facilities and infrastructure presents us with major drawbacks for growing our business.

BP2, an elderly woman, who has been selling school uniforms on a sidewalk in Setsing since 1985, expressed that this was all she knew how to do. Having raised children and grandchildren, it was heart-warming to hear how a business that not many people would consider lucrative was able to provide enough to raise an entire family. She voiced that:

The biggest challenge for my business is not having access to storage facilities that are exclusively for my business. I currently make use of shops around here to keep my stock for me when I go home. Which means that my business operations are linked to their operational hours.

BP3 represents a local store with seven outlets in QwaQwa and two other towns outside QwaQwa. It was important to include this formal business because of its economic contribution to QwaQwa − it is one of the biggest businesses and employs approximately 1 000 people. When asked to comment on whether there was a need for Setsing to expand, BP3 stated:

As a business, we have been able to succeed in a condition where informal traders surround our store selling products that we also sell. Pirate taxis that cause congestion affect parking space. The municipality has not been supportive in ensuring that we receive sufficient water and consistent electricity, which is what our business relies on heavily.

BP4 is an informal business that has been trading in fruit and vegetables since the mid-1990s. She started this business due to poor alternative employment prospects. When asked to comment further, she explained:

What you are talking about is important because I currently work with my daughter that I raised, using the money I made here. My wishes were for her to complete school and have a better job but had to realise that she could not access those opportunities after not performing well at school. There is a need for space so that people like my daughter can also trade because this is my space.

BP5 is another informal business that trades fruit and vegetables. BP5 had been in business since 1986 while a large part of Setsing was under construction. When asked to respond, she expressed:

I have been selling my goods from this spot since 1986. I rely on people that walk past here to buy the goods I sell. However, I feel like the state of our town is not too good because there is litter everywhere. There is planning which our government has to do to fix this situation.

BP6 operates a law firm in the neighbouring section of Phuthaditjhaba and contributed to the study by pronouncing that:

After I completed my articles to be an admitted attorney, I applied for jobs but was not getting satisfactory feedback. I was based in Welkom but eventually decided to come back to QwaQwa and use the house my parents had given me to establish a law firm. I have been in business since 2017 and have seen the potential this area has due to the proximity to town. I also have future plans to develop this property into a business park.

3.7.3 Responses from Town Planning Official and Observations of the Study Area

Responses from the town planning official and observations were grouped together because the outcomes of the observations were a direct reflection of planning in Phuthaditjhaba. The town planning official (TPO) was included in the study to determine the process followed for land use applications in Phuthaditjhaba in general and the CBD in particular. When asked about the history of land use management in Phuthaditjhaba, the TPO stated:

Phuthaditjhaba, as an urban centre in the former homeland of QwaQwa, is part of many other[s] which were planned centrally by the apartheid state using top-down planning. Not much provision was made to empower the town to have its own town planning scheme to guide development. For most years after apartheid (post-1994), we have relied on assistance by the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA).

Based on further engagement with the TPO, it turned out that despite apartheid laws having been repealed in 1993, “former” black Townships such as Phuthaditjhaba relied on the Black Communities Development Act 4 of 1984 for land applications in the area. A further contribution by the TPO included:

Even though SPLUMA commenced in July 2015, Phuthaditjhaba still does not have its own land-use scheme as required by the act. We, however, do consider SPLUMA in collaboration to CoGTA when working on applications submitted.

During apartheid, commercial property within the Phuthaditjhaba CBD was owned by the QwaQwa Development Corporation (QDC), later renamed the Free State Development Corporation (FDC). Post-apartheid, private sector developers have had a significant need for participation based on the critical mass in QwaQwa. The Maluti Crescent Mall to the northwest of the Mofumahadi Manapo Mopeli Hospital was developed on land previously used as accommodation for nurses working at the hospital. This mall was a second-phase development of the Setsing Crescent Shopping Centre that was bought and upgraded by the Vukile Property Fund after facing challenges acquiring land to the east of the hospital for approximately three years. The time-consuming experience of the Vukile Property Fund is fairly common in QwaQwa because potential developers pull out due to a lack of support from the municipality.

Clear signs of a lack of planning are evident in how there is a major contestation between formal and informal business for space throughout the Phuthaditjhaba CBD, which began after deindustrialisation in the 1990s, as also previously cited by Denoon-Stevens and Mocwagae (2019). Figure 3.3a demonstrates how informal traders are situated directly in front of similar formal businesses. Furthermore, Fig. 3.3b shows how grimy Setsing has become. Note the water leak from an adjacent building flowing into the road.

Fig. 3.3
figure 3

Credit: Kgosi Mocwagae

Pressure on the Phuthaditjhaba CBD.

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It has become common practice for affluent residents to purchase goods and services from Bethlehem, 70 km away, due to the congestion and crime in Setsing. This implies that residents now spend money outside the area that could have created more investment and employment opportunities in a municipality with a general unemployment rate of 41.8% in 2016 (Local Government Handbook 2016).

Further to the pressure of contestation of formal and informal business is a lack of well-functioning and adequate road maintenance in the Phuthaditjhaba CBD. Figure 3.4a depicts traffic transgressions caused by a lack of demarcation of road markings and non-functioning traffic lights. Figure 3.4b shows poor governance, displayed by uncleanliness in the town and an incomplete road surface.

Fig. 3.4
figure 4

Credit: Kgosi Mocwagae

Road infrastructure challenges.

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3.8 Discussion

The lack of planning for the extension of Setsing may be a direct consequence of the poor governance of the municipal area, as shown in Figs. 3.3 and 3.4. This can largely be traced back to poor planning during the apartheid era, which did not envision the need for a dynamic homeland town of Phuthaditjhaba; thus, not offering land use management tools that would assist with retail and service centre functions (Nel 2016a, b). However, many of the governance problems experienced in the area can be linked to the same problems plaguing the majority of South African municipalities.

As per the homeowners’ responses surrounding the Phuthaditjhaba CBD, three out of the six participants indicated that they would be willing to either rezone or sell their properties for the purposes of a merger of the CBD. This would initially need base zoning to be established for the classification of various land uses, coupled with an overlay zone that would cover areas that would be practical to include for homeowners that would like to participate in the expansion of the CBD. This is the route many central business districts have taken. However, social, economic and environmental effects must be considered. Two participants mentioned that they were unwilling to move from a home with social and emotional value, even if it meant they could move to a home of similar financial value. Additionally, during a transitional phase from residential to commercial uses, properties may not be maintained due to speculation, with detrimental effects on the environment and possibly the economy. This option characterises the resource conflict between the economy and the environment (Campbell 1996, 2016).

Secondly, taller  buildings should become more common within the Phuthaditjhaba CBD to reduce the sprawl caused mainly by informal businesses contesting for space. However, this plan will increase the construction cost and, subsequently, local businesses’ rent, which may be unsustainable for small enterprises. If vertical development were to reduce street-level pedestrian traffic, it would severely disadvantage the informal traders who depend on this traffic. This would exacerbate the existing inequalities—an example of the property conflict (Campbell 1996, 2016; Masuku and Jili 2019). However, the scale of the development required in the Phuthaditjhaba CBD may not be appropriate to the scale of the local economy and thus not financially viable.

Would the development of a completely new CBD resolve the problem? This option would seriously impact the existing investment in buildings and infrastructure where the current market for goods and services would decline substantially with a move elsewhere. Teller (2021) states that small cities can also have multiple centres (polycentric). It can be considered based on the demand of retail shops and businesses. Equally or more affected would be the tenants and employees of enterprises who could find their livelihoods declining. This would be unjust for some, while a few may benefit. Furthermore, the development of a new site may have its own set of environmental problems, including generating traffic, urban sprawl and the demand for additional services, issues associated with the development conflict. It is also worth noting that the topography of QwaQwa makes it challenging and expensive to develop due to Phuthaditjhaba being in a valley (Campbell 1996; Watson 2014; Paller 2020).

The expansion of Setsing requires participatory planning that includes all sectors of the community. Watson (2014) argued for the co-production of space in a manner that facilitates the involvement of all affected parties and promotes a bottom-up development with power more evenly spread between the participants. Such a process may yield innovative options that the municipality or its planners may not consider. It could also resolve, at least to some extent, the property conflict and possibly mitigate other conflicts in development.

3.9 Conclusion

This chapter has explored the extension of Setsing through the lens of SDG 11—sustainable, resilient and equitable cities as the central land use management policy mandated by SPLUMA, and other relevant policies such as the UN SDGs, NUA, Agenda 2063, NDP and IUDF. Setsing is the primary economic centre for a population of over 284 000 from around QwaQwa, and others from neighbouring towns. The concept of sustainability became central because urban planning enforces development that is considerate to meeting current needs without compromising the future of others. With sustainability in mind, land use planning tools such as base and overlay zonings can sufficiently cater to current needs without comprising future generations. Conflict over space was observed in the area, and there was consensus that action was needed. Participatory planning that includes all stakeholders in the co-production of plans and their implementation is recommended as the most appropriate way to deal with the extension of the CBD in a manner that is just and equitable, builds the economy and livelihoods and protects the environment. Utilising SDG 11 would play a valuable role in guiding localised policy initiatives to assist with the sustainable expansion of the Phuthaditjhaba CBD.