FormalPara Overview

  • Network theories have largely been neglected in labor market-related research on disability and rehabilitation. Their explanatory potential has therefore not yet been fully exploited.

  • Nevertheless, disabilities are closely linked with the genesis and stability of networks, which in turn impact access to and continuity of employment.

  • Welfare-state regulations and institutions (e.g., representatives for people with severe disabilities, workplace integration management, the International and Specialized Placement Service of the Federal Employment Agency, vocational rehabilitation institutions) help people with disabilities to (re)establish or expand social and organizational network contacts and to enter or remain in employment.

  • The extent to which labor market integration is successful largely depends on the accessibility of such assistance, the commitment of welfare-state actors, forms of cooperation, the motivation of individuals with disabilities to participate as well as their individual educational backgrounds, and social support.

1 Introduction

Social science research and official statistics repeatedly point to the poor employment prospects of people with disabilities compared to those without disabilities (Eichhorst et al., 2010, p. 7; WHO, 2011, p. 237; Engels et al., 2017, p. 166 ff.; von Kardorff et al., 2013, p. 7 ff.; Pfaff, 2012, p. 235 ff.; Rauch, 2005, p. 28 ff.). People with disabilities are therefore also less likely to benefit from the manifest and latent functions of employment (Jahoda, 1983). The manifest functions include financial resources and access to the social security system. The latent functions encompass, for example, predefined time structures, the existence of common goals, social and professional prestige, the possibility to perform an activity experienced as meaningful, and the establishment and maintenance of social contacts. Deficits in access to the latent functions of employment are one of the main factors that explain the generally poorer health status of the unemployed (Batinic et al., 2010; Jahoda, 1982).

In view of the difficult employment situation of people with disabilities, there are a variety of active labor market programs in Germany that aim to improve, maintain, or stabilize the employment situation of this group. In addition to general services provided by the unemployment insurance, such as career advice or job placement, which are also available to people without disabilities (Schröder et al., 2009, p. 13; Reims, 2020), Germany also has a mandatory employment quota requiring firms with more than 20 employees to fill 5% of their jobs with people with disabilities (SGBFootnote 1 IX), extended job protection for people with disabilities (SGB IX), integration subsidies that can be granted to employers hiring people with disabilities (SGB III), participation assistance (SGB IX), the provision of work assistance (SGB IX), supported employment (SGB IX), trial employment (SGB III), workplace integration management (SGB IX), and educational programs of vocational rehabilitation (Weber & Weber, 2015, p. 265 ff.). The latter are differentiated according to whether they target especially young people entering the labor market (initial integration) (Tophoven et al., 2019) or people with disabilities with prior experience of working life (re-integration) (Reims, 2020).

Some of these instruments are only available to individuals with a disability according to § 2 SGB IX (2020), which is the definition that also serves as the basis for this article and states that people are considered disabled if they “[…] have a physical, psychological, intellectual or sensory impairment that, in interaction with attitudinal and environmental barriers, is highly likely to impair their equal participation in society for longer than six months.” Other benefits require an officially recognized severe disability (or an equivalent legal status) (SGB IX), although the official degree of disability has only limited significance for the extent to which social participation is restricted (Benitez-Silva et al., 2004; Rohrmann, 2012, p. 475).

In addition to creating inactivity traps (Famira-Mühlberger et al., 2015, p. 18), the provision of welfare-state services can boost resistance to illness, which is generally more severely impaired among the unemployed, and help those already suffering from disability or illness to develop appropriate coping strategies (Potts, 2005) and facilitating their access to employment (Granovetter, 1973). Social networks of individuals, groups, and institutions (Borgatti et al., 2018, p. 2) can have similar effects, but despite their importance for health, education, and employment, they are still rarely considered in disability-related health and rehabilitation research. This also applies to the methods and theories of network research (von Kardorff, 2010).

The aim of this paper is to reduce this research gap by identifying starting points, both in theoretical and empirical terms, for applying network and social-capital approaches in the field of the labor market integration of people with disabilities and to critically expose research deficits in this field. The paper focuses on formal, informal, and institutional networks of relationships, the support capacities resulting from them, and possible changes in networks due to the onset of disability. It thereby also takes into account organization-based networks of welfare state agencies that work together to achieve rehabilitation goals (see, e.g., Morrissey et al., 1997). The article also deals with effects that network changes have on the employment situation and employment opportunities. Not addressed, on the other hand, are network approaches that consider multiple diseases or types of disability themselves as a network and subject them to investigation (as, for instance, did Nuijten et al., 2016).

2 Disability and Labor Market Integration

For Germany, the comparatively unfavorable educational and employment prospects of people with disabilities have been documented many times (Eichhorst et al., 2010; WHO, 2011, p. 237; Engels et al., 2017; Pfaff, 2012; Rauch, 2005). People with disabilities in Germany usually achieve a lower level of education than people without a disability. This is especially true for those who are segregated into special schools at an early age, where it is often not even possible to gain a lower secondary school leaving certificate (Klemm, 2015). Young people at special schools therefore often leave their educational institution without a lower secondary school leaving certificate, which reduces their chances of entering vocational training (Pfahl & Powell, 2011). If they are nevertheless given access to the training system, they generally take part in (further) training in special vocational fields with little involvement in companies (Tophoven et al., 2019). In combination with a number of other especially stigma-related factors, such as employers’ reservations about hiring, as well as their fear of reduced performance, frequent periods of absence, more difficult dismissal, and mobility restrictions (e.g., Niehaus & Bauer, 2013, p. 12 f.; von Kardorff et al., 2013, p. 37; Rauch, 2005, p. 32; Wansing & Westphal, 2014, p. 41), this educational path reduces the employment prospects of people with disabilities. This is reflected in longer periods of unemployment, lower wages, jobs that are below the level of qualification achieved (Weller, 2017), and in lower employment rates and higher unemployment rates than those of people without disabilities, even in phases of economic upswing (Bundesagentur für Arbeit, 2018; Niehaus & Bauer, 2013, p. 32).

Various labor market policies aim to combat and compensate for disadvantages of people with disabilities on the labor market. These include the aforementioned active labor market programs, which are designed to create or stabilize relationships between employers and people with disabilities. Hence, these programs are also relevant to the network context. Of the instruments aimed specifically at people with disabilities trial employment and vocational rehabilitation services essentially have a relationship-generating function. Extended protection against dismissal and workplace integration management primarily exhibit a relationship-stabilizing function. Workplace adaptations, the provision of work assistance, and supported employment promote both areas by facilitating employment and the continuation of employment relationships.

3 Social Networks of People with Disabilities

Various studies, including the participation report published by the federal government on the living situations of people with disabilities in Germany, show that people with disabilities often have fewer social contacts than other groups (Engels et al., 2017; Forrester-Jones et al., 2006; Morgan et al., 1984; Pfaff, 2012, p. 234; Schröttle et al., 2014, p. 24). They have smaller networks and are less likely to begin new relationships in everyday life (Forrester-Jones et al., 2006; Schröttle et al., 2014). Furthermore, the onset of a disability can be accompanied by a loss of relationships and networks (von Kardorff, 2010). On the one hand, it can lead to a situation in which the individual with disability is no longer able to perform their job and is nearly unemployable (Lang, 2003, p. 181). On the other hand, the onset of a disability can have an eroding effect on everyday relationships, especially since it may also result in new burdens for the immediate social circle. The assistance required may in some cases exceed the support capacities available in the private sphere (von Kardorff, 2010). Evidence from international research points in the same direction. It shows, that a “[…] deteriorating health status can diminish the quality of social relations […]. Higher quality relations become more difficult to achieve” (Dickson-Markman & Shern, 1985, p. 60). Relationships that are already looser and emotionally less supportive are particularly endangered. At the same time, it can be more difficult to establish new contacts due to barriers or stigmatization (Pfaff, 2012; Schröttle et al., 2013, p. 24), which leads to an increasing risk of social isolation (Morgan et al., 1984, p. 495) and simultaneously decreasing chances of access to professional support services (von Kardorff, 2010). This is a risk in particular for women with severe disabilitiesFootnote 2 (Niehaus, 1993; Niehaus & Bauer, 2013).

However, disabilities do not always lead to a breakdown of everyday relationships. Frequently, there is simply a shift in the relationships, though this can have serious impacts, too. Such transformations range from shifts in the division of labor within the family and the reorganization of routines and schedules for coping with everyday life through new social requirements regarding mobility and affectivity to extensive financial needs (von Kardorff, 2010). Network shrinkage may also be accompanied by an increase in the density of the remaining network, as is shown by empirical studies on cognitively impaired and severely disabled people (Forrester-Jones et al., 2006).

All this indicates that networks of people with disabilities differ considerably in terms of type and quality and sometimes have a specific character (Engels et al., 2017). Differences exist, for example, in the degree of institutionalization (informal or formal), social location (e.g., living or working environment), the context of origin (e.g., before or after the onset of a disability or the purpose of the network), function (emotional, instrumental, information-related), or particular support capacities (Chronister et al., 2008).

Informal networks usually provide informal assistance. They may result in less need for professional help or a better access to welfare state support (Kogstad et al., 2013, p. 95). But not every relationship is necessarily helpful and supportive (Dickson-Markman & Shern, 1985, p. 50), and there are cases, particularly in mental health care, where access to welfare state organizations mediated through social relationships can be ambivalent, such as when involuntary admissions are involved (Pescolido et al., 1998, p. 276). On the whole, however, the research is predominantly about improvements in access and care in a positive sense.

Informal networks emerge in a variety of contexts. On the one hand, they result from the fact that they are embedded in families and circles of friends and acquaintances, largely located outside of the employment context. On the other hand, informal relationships also emerge from the employment system and generate social ties to superiors, subordinates, and colleagues with varying intensity (Knox & Parmenter, 1993). These relationships can be part of a hierarchical structure between employees and their immediate superiors, or a horizontal structure characterized by social relationships between employees (Badura, 2008). Social support resources emerge from both areas, which can also facilitate integration into the labor market and create opportunities for social participation (Granovetter, 1995, p. 48). However, an increased need for support in connection with disabilities can cause new (informal) dependencies that run contrary to the promise of self-determination for people with disabilities, as expressed in the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, the Act on Equal Opportunities for Persons with Disabilities (Behindertengleichstellungsgesetz), or the Federal Participation Act (Bundesteilhabegesetz) (cf. e.g. Kastl, 2017, p. 229; Lewicki, 2014, p.12; Welti, 2005, p. 23 ff., Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs [BMAS], 2011, p. 53; Schröttle et al., 2013, p. 75).

In addition to informal relationships, formal, sometimes legally prescribed and regulated relationships with employers or within a company (e.g., through the workplace integration management or the representative for people with severe disabilities) are also essential for accessing and maintaining employment relationships. The same applies to associations and other bodies representing the interests of people with disabilities or vocational rehabilitation institutions (Federal Employment Agency in Germany, pension insurance, vocational training institutes, etc.) that aim to create, strengthen, or secure employment opportunities for people with disabilities. Unlike in everyday contexts, the onset of a disability is not an occurrence that increases the risk of losing relationships. On the contrary, it is the decisive factor in establishing contacts with such institutions and groups that provide assistance (cf. Borgatti et al., 2018, p. 4).

One of the normative prerequisites laid down in Germany regarding both informal and formal support for people with disabilities wishing to take up or maintain their employment relationships is that the clients’ wishes and demands are taken into account and authoritarian dependencies are avoided (Chronister et al., 2008).

4 The Role of Social Networks in the Labor Market Integration of People with Disabilities

Social relationships and networks are important for integration into the labor market, both informally and institutionally (Brucker, 2015). This also applies to people with disabilities. Access and use vary considerably, however. The extent to which they influence the integration of people with disabilities into the labor market and the role they play in social and labor market policy are explained below.

4.1 Informal Relationships to Promote Participation in Working Life

Labor market research has repeatedly pointed out the importance of general and professional relationships and networks for access to employment and careers (Granovetter, 1973, p. 1371 et ff., 1995, p. 4 et ff.). The “imperfection” of labor markets is usually referred to in this context (e.g., Lin, 2009, p. 20), stressing that, contrary to the assumptions made in neoclassical labor market theory, neither employers nor (potential) employees possess all the relevant information needed to find a job or applicant (Hinz & Abraham, 2008, p. et 51 ff.). In this context, networks take on the function of informally reducing such information deficits. However, since the networks differ regarding access and quality, the possibilities are unequally distributed. Employment opportunities and career prospects are all the better the larger and more heterogeneous the networks are, for example, regarding occupational affiliations or social status (Diewald & Sattler, 2010; Granovetter, 1995, p. 12 et ff.). As the network size increases and the composition becomes more diverse, the variety of information grows, but at the same time the number of weak social ties in the network also rises. Weak ties boost the value of information related to the labor market, whereas strong ties foster support possibilities for coping with everyday life (Potts, 2005).

Health, employment, disability, social participation, and the availability of and integration into networks are closely related (Niehaus, 1993). Since people with disabilities generally have smaller but denser networks to which new contacts are added less frequently than in other groups, the existing relationships of people with disabilities provide fewer opportunities for (re)integration into the employment system. In addition, if a disability occurs during a person’s life-course and they lose their job, existing contacts to working life, and thus important sources of information and support that could facilitate re-entry into the labor market, are lost. Informal relationships are therefore less helpful for people with disabilities wishing to access the labor market and pursue career paths than for non-disabled people. The situation is different for institutional relationships and networks.

4.2 Institutional Relationships to Promote Participation in Working Life

There is a wide range of institutional networks and relationships by and for people with disabilities, some of which were established in Germany with the aim of helping people with disabilities to integrate into the labor market. Others were created for non-work purposes, but nevertheless assist people with disabilities to access working life or to stabilize their existing employment relationships. In this context, interest groups and associations of people with disabilities, welfare-state provisions concerning the integration of severely disabled people into the workplace (such as representative bodies for employees with severe disabilities or workplace integration management), and welfare-state institutions for vocational rehabilitation and employment services that specifically help people with disabilities to (re)enter the labor market are particularly important. The latter institutions make targeted use of professional networks to implement appropriate programs and measures for labor market integration. For their part, they form a structure in which several organizations work together and in this way support the inclusion process (Morrissey et al., 1985). In addition to interorganizational cooperation, the coordination of cooperation is also important there, which becomes particularly relevant in the case of fragmented responsibilities (Morrissey et al., 1997, p. 5), as is the case in the German rehabilitation system (Brussig et al., 2021, p. 25).

4.2.1 Interest Groups and Associations

Disability organizations are central actors involved in representing the interests of people with disabilities and provide support regarding everyday life and lifestyle in various ways. They do not specifically aim to integrate people with disabilities into the labor market but help their members to find employment by means of advisory services and the dissemination of job advertisements, for example, via newsletters.

In addition to these organizations, there are various self-help groups for certain types of disability and illness, which differ considerably in their degree of organization. In Germany, the “BAG Selbsthilfe” is an umbrella organization comprising 113 self-help organizations for disabled and chronically sick people and their relatives. As a nationwide, free association it represents the interests of all disabled and chronically sick people, independently of party-political or religious ties. The networks of and for women with disabilities were also founded under this institutional umbrella in the 1990s with the aim of highlighting the specific concerns of girls and women with disabilities (Niehaus, 2001). Their activities and demands were incorporated, for example, into the legislation of Book IX of the Social Code, thereby supporting their members not only individually but also politically by influencing federal and state legislation.

In order to assert the political interests of people with disabilities, disability organizations in Germany strive to achieve consensus and compromise. To this end, they form alliances with trade unions and associations in the independent welfare sector seeking to improve their opportunities to assert themselves (Hammerschmidt, 1992). The fields of activity vary and address education as well as political participation, social security issues, and employment (Engels et al., 2017).

However, disability organizations are selective in two ways (Bengtsson & Datta Gupta, 2017). On the one hand, they often focus on specific groups of people with disabilities and chronic sicknesses. On the other hand, more highly educated people with disabilities primarily organize themselves in these organizations and gain access to information and assistance. Although the disability organizations are important for the development of social policy and access to employment in the Federal Republic of Germany, their reach should not be overestimated.

4.2.2 Representative Body for Severely Disabled Employees (SBV)

In private-sector companies and public-sector administrations in Germany, representative bodies for severely disabled employees are elected to represent the interests of employees who have a severe disability or equivalent status. These representative bodies form an integral part of the formal relationship structure in companies. They have an influence on the continuity of the employment of people with disabilities in companies and their social integration in these organizations. The basic principles of the work involved in representing severely disabled employees are laid down in Book IX of the Social Code and stipulate specific rights and duties in the company. The representative bodies are also responsible for supporting employees who are not severely disabled but who are at risk of disability, such as those who are chronically sick.

With their expertise concerning the workplace participation of people with disabilities or chronic sickness, the representative bodies support the works council and the employer in matters of (re)integration. Due to their extensive knowledge of social law, their provision of trustworthy contacts, assumption of coordinating mediation tasks, and proactive initiation of occupational health measures, these representative bodies act as guides in questions of occupational inclusion and preventive measures (Kohl & Niehaus, 2014). Informally, they help to reduce any reservations employers may have about hiring people with disabilities (fears of reduced performance as well as limited mobility and flexibility, etc.).

The representative body also promotes the relationship of trust between the various players in the company (disabled and chronically sick people, works council, employer, company doctor) by means of personal advice and proximity to the workforce (Deutsche Gesetzliche Unfallversicherung e.V., 2014). Networking, cooperation, and trust between the above-mentioned actors and with the responsible social insurance institutions are central prerequisites for an effective implementation of workplace integration management and successful participation in the company (Niehaus & Vater, 2014). The representatives for severely disabled employees are thus important network partners at the interface between the employees with disabilities, company bodies (e.g., works council), employer representatives, and external actors, for example, social insurance institutions, such as pension or health insurance funds.

By signing the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its ratification in 2008, Germany committed itself to ensuring the full and effective participation of people with disabilities in all areas of society. The vision of an inclusive labor market, as defined in accordance with the Convention, also extends the tasks of the representatives for severely disabled employees. These increasingly go beyond knowledge of labor legislation to cover also cross-functional advisory tasks that require networking and knowledge management in very different areas (Kohl et al., 2015). As a consequence, the representatives face new challenges regarding prevention and inclusion resulting from large-scale social changes, such as digitalization and demographic change. The range of activities performed by the representative bodies for severely disabled employees as well as internal and external alliances that can contribute to maintaining employability and participation is at the core of the current discussion. No network analysis has been conducted on this subject so far. Such analyses could investigate how these representative bodies support people with disabilities with their integration under these new conditions and what role networks of representative bodies plays in this context.

4.2.3 Workplace Integration Management

Workplace integration management is a regulation created by the legislator that requires employers to assess how an employee’s incapacity to work can be overcome or prevented and their job retained while ill for more than a total of 6 weeks within a year. Together with the responsible representation and, if necessary, in cooperation with the company doctor, decisions are made as to what measures are to be taken. The rehabilitation providers and, where applicable, the integration office can also be involved in the process. The employees’ participation is voluntary.

Small and medium-sized enterprises implement workplace integration management less frequently than larger companies due to a lack of resources and alternative jobs (Niehaus et al., 2021). There are no representative research findings on regional differences in application, standards in workplace integration management, and the role of networks in access to the Scheme.

4.2.4 International and Specialized Placement Service and Peer Counseling

The International and Specialized Placement Service of the Federal Employment Agency (ZAV) supports both academics with severe disabilities in their search for employment that matches their qualifications as well as employers wishing to hire severely disabled university graduates (Deutsches Studentenwerk, 2013, p. 201). As an organization set up for this purpose, it performs an important function in finding employment for severely disabled graduates. It also attempts to establish contacts specifically with this group of people and between severely disabled people and employers.

Parallel to this, in matters concerning the participation of people with disabilities in working life, self-help activities are increasingly being discussed regarding the importance of peer counseling (in this case, counseling by people with disabilities for people with disabilities). Peer counseling, as a component of professional counseling services, has been proven to improve occupational participation by increasing the motivation to participate in rehabilitation and emphasizing self-determination in decision-making. In Germany, demands for more peer counseling for occupational participation are reinforced by action plans drawn up by the German Länder and the Statutory Accident Insurance to implement the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which already includes peer counseling as a measure (Niehaus & Saupe-Heide, 2012).

Since 2018, peer counseling has been of particular importance in the Federal Participation Act as a supplementary independent advisory service concerning participation. The legislation is based, among other things, on the findings obtained by the scientific expert group RehaFutur, which emphasizes that opportunities for participation in working life are improved if suitable structures are put in place to encourage people with disabilities to make active use of their self-determination and personal responsibility (Riedel et al., 2009). Whether peer counseling, as a qualitative feature of network structures for people with disabilities, provides better opportunities for action than counseling by non-disabled persons or an absence of such counseling is a potential topic for future research.

4.2.5 Rehabilitation-Specific Institutions

Another type of social network for people with disabilities is rehabilitation-specific and stems from institutional and professionalized forms of support designed to facilitate or consolidate the reintegration of people with disabilities into the labor market. In this context (similar to the case of the ZAV), formal relationships are purposely established between people with disabilities, on the one hand, and rehabilitation counseling, job placement services, case management, and potential employers, on the other hand, in accordance with social law and administrative guidelines. The rehabilitation providers (Federal Employment Agency, pension insurance, statutory accident insurance, etc.), providers of integration assistance, and rehabilitation services create networks via (third-party) investments in social capital (Bourdieu, 2005, p. 65), which are intended to help people with disabilities get back into employment or retain their employment. The intention of the professional actors involved in this is to adopt a bridging function (Putnam, 2000, p. 411) to provide people with disabilities with network contacts relevant to labor market integration (von Kardorff, 2010).

However, access to vocational rehabilitation and related network structures is only available to those who have submitted a formal application for benefits to help with participation in working life and have also been officially recognized as people requiring rehabilitation (Reims, 2020). The service providers, funding agencies, and rehabilitants jointly plan the rehabilitation measures. The providers of vocational rehabilitation measures are flexible regarding the organization of measures and are characterized by a wide range of support and network structures. They offer various vocational training options, are specialized in certain types of disability, provide different types of additional socio-educational or medical/therapeutic services to accompany rehabilitation, often permit inpatient accommodation, and possess diverse links to companies and potential employers. The differences in the service providers’ network structures can also result in varying rehabilitation outcomes. For example, smaller, centrally organized networks that are more diversified in terms of service providers appear more conducive to integration than larger, decentralized, and homogenous networks, whereas the latter constellation is more likely to guarantee continuity of care (Lorant et al., 2017).

The training phase is often followed by transitional support, which is intended to support the application process and facilitate integration into the new occupation. If the person concerned has a severe disability (or equivalent status), the integration assistance service can also be called in, which provides advice and support for both companies and people with disabilities (von Kardorff, 2010).

A broad institutional and professional network involving a variety of actors already exists in Germany. Nevertheless, there are still demands for extended networking among service providers, which is necessary in order to eliminate the persistent interface problems, improve access to the services, reduce coordination deficiencies and care costs, and improve reintegration outcomes (von Kardorff, 2010).

However, institutional networks are not the only important factor in the process of vocational rehabilitation. The rehabilitants’ informal, everyday relationships are also often of importance and are taken into account when measures are planned (Chronister et al., 2008). There are two reasons for this. First, the prominent requirement in the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) stated that the overall personal context should be taken into account when planning occupational reintegration (Escorpizo et al., 2011). Second, support from and contact to family and friends during participation in measures to assist the return to working life have a strong impact on the rehabilitation outcome, a fact that has been substantiated in numerous studies (Chronister et al., 2008; McKenna & Power, 2000; Potts, 2005). The effect can be either positive or negative, depending on whether or not social support is available (Zapfel, 2015, p. 242).

5 Conclusion

With the onset of a disability, the risk of losing informal and parts of formal networks increases, but at the same time the chance of gaining other, mainly professional network partners increases. Welfare-state regulations and institutions, such as representative bodies for severely disabled employees, workplace integration management, specialized placement services, or vocational rehabilitation institutions, give people with disabilities the opportunity to establish or expand network contacts and to regain or maintain access to the labor market. The extent to which successful integration into the employment system is possible depends on various factors: formal accessibility, the commitment of welfare-state actors and their cooperation, the willingness of employers to include employees with disabilities in their workforce, the motivation of people with disabilities to participate, their educational background, and the support they receive in their everyday life.

In labor market-related disability and rehabilitation research, the application of network approaches has largely been neglected so far. This applies both to informal modes of access to the labor market and to the role played by interest groups of people with disabilities, organizational units, and processes within firms (such as representative bodies for severely disabled employees and workplace integration management), the importance of the Specialized Placement Service of the German Federal Employment Agency, peer counseling services, and vocational rehabilitation facilities. The aim of this article was to show possible starting points for research in this field to include relevant empirical material, reveal corresponding research gaps, and make suggestions for future research activities.

Reading Recommendations

  • Chronister, J., Chou, C. C., Frain, M., & da Silva Cardoso, E. (2008). The relationship between social support and rehabilitation related outcomes: A meta-analysis. Journal of Rehabilitation, 74(2), 16–32. https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1G1-182034960/the-relationship-between-social-support-and-rehabilitation. Accessed: 4 April 2018: The article addresses the role of social support regarding risks of illness and the chances of success of rehabilitation measures. It provides a detailed review of publications on this subject in the fields of psychology, social sciences, and health science.

  • Lorant, V., Nazroo, J., Nicaise, P., & Title107 Study Group (2017). Optimal network for patients with severe mental illness: A social network analysis. Administration and Policy in Mental Health, 44(6), 877–887. This article deals with network structures in healthcare services and examines the impact of various structural characteristics of networks (for example, composition, size, centrality) regarding how they facilitate continuity of care and social integration in Belgium. The data basis is a survey conducted among 954 patients living in Belgium.

  • Morgan, M., Patrick, D. L., & Charlton, J. R. (1984). Social networks and psychosocial support among disabled people. Social Science & Medicine, 19(5), 489–97. The article addresses the impact of network characteristics (network size and type) on access to psychosocial support in London for people with physical disabilities. It also deals with differences in networks according to degree of disability, location-specific differences in networks of people with disabilities, and the importance of family ties for the availability of emotional support.

Data Sets

In Germany, there are only a few data sets that provide information on disability and employment and are not limited to a few basic data on social contacts. Notable exceptions are “Gesundheit in Deutschland aktuell” (GEDA) and the “Representative Survey on the Participation of People with Disabilities.”