As demonstrated in the previous chapters, land in Morocco is mainly used for farming and pastoral activities. These activities are more vulnerable to the consequences of increased precipitation and drought due to climate change. Various modern and traditional adaptation strategies – among which migration to urban centres or abroad – have been used to deal with environmental changes. This suggests that a large share of inhabitants are in some way aware of the changes in their natural environment and already familiar with adaptation strategies (Schilling et al. 2012; Mertz et al. 2009). However, in most studies, researchers focusing on this topic do not relate this to people’s overall views on environmental change and the adaptation strategies employed by the actors involved. When they do, they hardly focus on people living in the MENA region (Nielsen and D’haen 2014); West-Africa (Mertz et al. 2010, 2012; Afifi 2011; De Longueville et al. 2020); DR Congo (Bele et al. 2014; Few et al. 2017); and India (Howe et al. 2014). The only exception is the study on Morocco by Nguyen and Wodon (2014); Wodon et al. 2014). Hence, it is unclear how these environmental changes are actually perceived and how they influence the ways people view and respond to them, and (actively) develop adaptation strategies to deal with such changes (cf. Chap. 6). This is especially important since perceptions of environmental changes and the risks associated with them vary across and within cultures (Vedwan 2006; Mertz et al. 2009, 2010; Leclerc et al. 2013). Furthermore, there is a perception bias with regard to the perceived environmental changes, as some types of changes, such as rainfall patterns, are more easily noted and compared to others, such as temperature changes (Howe et al. 2014; Few et al. 2017; De Longueville et al. 2020; Bele et al. 2014). Additionally, people mainly remark on changes when these apply to their livelihood activities (Bele et al. 2014; Howe et al. 2014; Wodon et al. 2014; De Longueville et al. 2020). In current research and policymaking, ongoing debates on environmental migration and displacement too frequently assume that everyone perceives environmental change in a similar fashion. This becomes problematic in debates on environmental migration or climate refugees when environmental changes are assumed to automatically result in some kind of (forced) migration, leaving little space for the views and agency of the people involved (Stern 2000; McLeman and Gemenne 2018; Khare and Khare 2006; Rigby 2016).

This chapter examines perceptions of environmental changes in Morocco in the context of the wider socio-economic, religious, economic and cultural environment (see also Smith et al. 2012). This approach is innovative as so far, little is known about (1) Moroccans’ perceptions of environmental changes; and, (2) the impact of environmental/climate change discourses on people’s views on environmental change. Before setting out my empirical findings, I first discuss in the following sections different approaches towards human-nature relationships in general and, subsequently, contextualise how environmental change and human-nature relationships in Morocco could be interpreted within the wider cultural, historical, economic, and religious context. Finally, it must be remembered that this book uses the concept of ‘environmental change’ instead of climate change as it is broader and encompasses more changes. Moving away from the use of the ‘climate change’ concept is particularly useful for this chapter, which seeks to open up to people’s ideas concerning all kinds of environmental changes without necessarily requiring knowledge of prevailing ‘climate change discourses’. However, when the participants or I explicitly refer to ‘climate change discourses’, this term will still be used.

5.1 Perceived Environmental Changes

When examining the perceptions of environmental changes, two main aspects need to be discussed: (1) the views on human-nature relationships and (2) the learning method of such environmental changes. First, people’s overall views on human-nature relationships could determine how people perceive environmental change. Previously, environmentalists approached environmental issues and human-nature issues predominantly from an anthropocentric approach, focusing on the needs of humans and seeing nature only in light of these human needs. Consequently, any alternative approach aimed at appraising the relationship between humans and nature are neglected. Such ‘alternative’ approaches are crucial in order to understand environmental problems and human behaviour towards them. These approaches are either ecocentric, putting the needs of nature at the centre and seeing human activity in terms of these needs, or theocentric, departing from the fact that faith defined both humankind and nature in relation to God (Hoffman and Sandelands 2005; Rigby 2016).

Second, the learning method of environmental changes can shape people’s perceptions of environmental change as well. There are two different ways in which people can learn about climate changes and the risks associated with them: from personal experience or statistical description (Weber 2010; Spence et al. 2011). Distinguishing people in this study based on their use of methods to learn about environmental change is conceptually valuable as the documentation of skills and tacit awareness could further the knowledge in official discourses and statistics on environmental change and environmental migration (cf. Bremer et al. 2017). Depending on one’s profession, educational background, media channel, or personal interests, learning methods used to inform about environmental change may differ. This impacts perceptions on environmental change as well as the ways in which environmental changes are perceived to impact people’s living environment and standard of living (Gemenne 2010; Kelly and Adger 2000; Hillman et al. 2015). Thus, as demonstrated in this chapter, studying perceptions on environmental change in a systematic and open way is crucial since people’s views on such changes, on their perceived role in causing these environmental changes, and on how to deal with such changes, further impact the perceived environmental risks and adaptation strategies, which are discussed in Chap. 6.

5.2 The Moroccan Context

Understanding prevailing views on environmental change in a given culture/region/country is not always as straightforward as it seems. This is certainly the case for Morocco. In this context, one should recognize the religious, cultural, and geographic diversity and tensions within the Moroccan context as well as the economic activities through which such ideas are passed along generations. Let me now offer a brief introduction on how the historic and cultural background can impact the perceived human-nature relationships of people living in Tangier and Tinghir. The history of the nation-state of Morocco is characterized by specific tensions between regional and local Berber/Amazigh identities, as well as Arab and Islamic identities of the Moroccan nation-state (Karrouche 2017). This history is reflected in the religious hybridity within and across regions in Morocco and the coexistence of distinct religious traditions, such as Islam, and more traditional/spiritual religious views and practices that are present in Berber/Amazigh culture. Because of this, there are a multitude of interpretations, ongoing debates, implementation and practices related to the natural environment in Morocco that need to be studied in more detail. Additionally, as in all religious denominations, within Islam, a broad range of views on human-nature relationships exists (Ammar 2013; Izzy Deen 2003). Given the religious and cultural hybridity between Arabs and Imazighen (Berbers), Islamic and other spiritual or religious belief systems, perspectives on human and nature vary considerably within Morocco and across regions. Although the categorization of people as ‘Berber/Imazighen’ is mainly linguistic, it comprises particular cultural, structural, and institutional elements of the material culture through a particular economic and socio-political organization and customary law. Furthermore, the presence of the Amazigh culture is felt through the ways people look at and interpret the Islamic religion. Again, these cultural practices are often related to land use and agricultural/economic activities. Within these traditions, some religious orders central to Islam have been dismissed as not of very high importance. Instead, more attention has been given to the saint’s shrine than is mentioned in the Quran and the existence of Berber-speaking shurfa’ (the descendants of the Prophet). This suggests that the ‘Amazigh-ness’ of Morocco is very important to consider in research because it constitutes Moroccan culture and way of life and shapes the views on the human-nature relationship. However, because of their hybridity with Islamic and other religious perspectives, such as traditional African religions and Judaism, the views of the Imazighen on the human-nature relationship are hard to conceptualize. Rather, broadly speaking, Imazighen worship natural elements such as water, trees, and rocks, and are largely animistic (Hart 1999). This recognition that all things have spirits and that the perception of the environment as a ‘community of beings’ affects people’s beliefs about the natural environment and how to behave in this world. Such worldviews are strongly context-dependent (Snodgrass and Tiedje 2008).

Arab and European colonization, and subsequent decolonization, have not only shaped and (re-)created ethnic identity processes in Morocco, but are often related to religious beliefs and secularization. While the Arabs brought Islam to this region, it is argued that Imazighen are seen as only superficially, albeit still, Islamicised (Karrouche 2017). Without going too deeply into the relationship and history between both, it is important to sketch some of Islam’s main ideas in order to comprehend the context in which some views on human-nature relationships in Morocco should be situated. Most forms of Islamic ethics derive from legal precepts that are perceived to be formulated by God. For daily life this means that rules and practices are also weighed against the Islamic ‘laws’. As these laws are formulated within a religious context, the use of the word ‘law’ implies more rigid structures. Taking a closer look at the Arabic word for law, namely, sharia, is interesting as this word means ‘source of life’ – which is translated literally as the ‘source of water’. Approaching Islam from an environmental change perspective, this literal translation suggests the importance of water and shows that water problems are not a recent phenomenon in this region (cf. De Haas and El Ghanjou 2000). Furthermore, the premise that all living things were created by God, each having a different function, guides Islam. The functions of all things are balanced by God. Serving humanity is one of these functions, but certainly not the only one. Nonetheless, human beings are seen as the sole protectors of the natural environment. Thus, as everything happens according to the natural law of God, humans should accept events or changes in their natural environment as it is the will of God to preserve the balance within the universe as created by God (Izzy Deen 2003). Consequently, when approaching the human-nature relationship from a more religious perspective, it seems that there are prevalent beliefs about the harmonic character of nature and the recognition that nature – and in particular water – is the main source of life.

To sum up, the views on environmental change and the relationship of humans with regard to their natural environment are shaped by local beliefs, traditions, religious ideas, and economic activities. Based on Moroccan history, considerable variation with regards to such views can be expected. This matters for the perceived linkage between environmental change and migration, as well as all other kinds of adaptation strategies that can be developed to deal with these perceived environmental changes and their consequences (see Chap. 6).

5.3 Results

To understand how people categorise and frame environmental migration, both the data collected in Tangier and Tinghir are used in this chapter (cf. Chap. 4). During the analyses, both within and across the Tinghir and Tangier regions, significant differences become visible in the extent to which people approach and theorise environmental changes. Hence, the analyses are organised in two sections. The first focuses on perceived environmental changes of inhabitants living in Tangier and Tinghir. Within this section, I first set out the differences in people’s perceptions of environmental changes in their immediate natural living environment between Tinghir and Tangier before discussing the differences in views within these regions. These intra-regional differences are related to people’s educational level, professional experiences, and access to local or transnational migrant networks. In a second section, the ways in which people living in these regions explained theorised/observed environmental changes are analysed and set out in more depth.

Although the focus on perceptions on environmental change certainly makes sense at the time of writing this book, the dominance of Western views on climate/environmental change were also reflected in the questions I asked during the first encounters and interviews with Moroccan people and when discussing my fieldwork in the market, hostel and everywhere I went. These rather dominant Western ideas concerning climate/environmental change were undeniably present and reflected into how respondents would answer my questions concerning environmental change, indicating some kind of ethnocentrism (cf. Chap. 4). That, along with some minor language misunderstandings, made me quickly realise that I needed to reflect better on the ways in which I would ask about climate/environmental change, giving rise to this chapter. The answers I received when asking about climate change surprised me. People referred to liking the warm climate in Morocco, which was totally different from the cold and rainy climate in Europe. Others immediately said that ‘those climate change issues’ were something coming from Europe, or referred to polar bears and the melting of the ice caps. And finally, after receiving an entire lecture by one of the respondents on how people in Morocco should live more in harmony with nature, I decided to rethink the way in which I would ask about perceived climate change and how people learned about it, and that I would focus more on how the natural environment had changed over the past 50 years and over generations. By making my questions more concrete and applying it to people’s local surroundings, their own youth, or referring to their grandparents’ lifetime, more relevant information and useful data was gathered that opened a whole new world. The informal talks that took place when explaining my relatively long stay in Morocco, compared to tourists, formed the starting point for the ideas and analyses presented in this chapter.

5.3.1 Perceived Environmental Changes in Tangier and Tinghir

5.3.1.1 Interregional differences.

When discussing perceived environmental changes in people’s living environment, a first important analytical factor is the region (in this case: the city and surroundings) in which people live. Accounts of respondents living in Tangier and Tinghir differ in general with respect to respondents’ daily economic activities and the connection they have with their natural environment. In most cases this is also linked to the region in which they live. People in Tinghir seemed more aware of, and concerned with, changes in the natural environment, compared to those in Tangier.

What first follows is an overview of the accounts of people living in Tangier. For example, Budur (female, 24 years old, secondary education degree, Tangier), a return migrant who grew up in Belgium but married to a Tangerine man and whose family originally came from Oujda, stated that ‘people move for work, for example, people from Oujda, move to Casa [Casablanca] because there are more schools they could attend or for work’. When asked whether there are water shortage issues in Morocco, she first answered:

Budur: A shortage of water? No, that is not really a problem. You often see that in African countries eh, but I don’t think it’s that big of a problem here in Morocco, not really, maybe in some other places but not really in Tangier. We have water everywhere! They make taps everywhere, so everyone can drink. You also have a tap here, a cup, and everyone who is thirsty can drink from it. Maybe some people in poorer areas, yes, but I don’t think it’s a huge problem here.

After her mother reminded her that Budur’s mother-in-law always complained about water shortages and droughts in Morocco, Budur smiled and replied that she did not mention that, as it was something from ancient times and did not really matter. Similar to Budur’s account, many people in Tangier who did not have that much affinity with other regions of Morocco, did not refer to environmental – or more specifically climate – changes in Morocco at all. When talking about environmental changes, references were made to the sunny weather in Morocco, which was perceived to be more pleasant than in Europe, to the lack of stress in people’s lives, and to ongoing desertification near desert areas. People referred rather briefly to the overall climate and natural environment, making comparisons of hospitality, ‘warm people’, and a nice climate to live in, as illustrated by the account of Nizar (female, 24 years old, student, Tangier):

Nizar: We moved to Tangier. My family doesn’t like Tangier, they prefer Agadir.

Interviewer: Ah really? Why?

Nizar: For the winter, here in Tangier, the climate, there is a lot of humidity, a lot of humidity in Tangier, it’s not like in Agadir, you can already swim there right now, in January, in February, in March, there is no problem. (…) So the climate in Tangier is not like the one in Agadir. That’s really the best climate in Morocco.

Interviewer: Why?

Nizar: There is a beach, the cold and the heat were always stable, you can swim in January, in March. Here, you can’t swim because it’s too cold. In Marrakech, you don’t have the beach, nor the sea. In Ouarzazate, there is no sea, there are only mountains, it’s not a big city where you go to study or work, no, it’s a small city.

Interviewer: And the climate in Ouarzazate is…?

Nizar: It’s hot, because it’s very close to the Sahara.

Interviewer: Is that the same in Tinghir?

Nizar: Yes, it’s the same, because they are the southern area of Morocco, that’s why it is hot, but in winter, it’s very cold there. For example in Marrakech, in summer, it is hot. But in winter, it is very cold. Pourquoi [why]? Because in Marrakech, it’s the centre of the mountains, when it’s summer, there is no wind, it is hot, very hot. But during winter, there is snow on the mountains, and it’s cold in winter. And that’s why it’s very cold or very hot. But I said that Agadir is the best climate here in Morocco. When we talk about people, the inhabitants, I prefer the inhabitants of Ouarzazate, it’s because in Tangier, it’s not Ouarzazate. Because the people of Ouarzazate are very very very nice, it’s extra nice. For example, you know a person in Ouarzazate, and you want to sleep and you have no money, you have nothing, you can spend the night with a foreign family, and will say ‘Oh no! welcome, welcome’, you sleep here, you spend the night and tomorrow you go out, and that’s why people from Ouarzazate are very good people. They are the best.

While I made many attempts afterwards to discuss changes in the natural environment, Nizar mainly seemed to respond in terms of liveability and locals’ friendliness. This was a recurring phenomenon during the fieldwork and highlighted how my views on climate change and that of the respondents differed, as well as the difficulties inquiring about these views.

The majority of the accounts of people living in Tangier differed from those living in Tinghir. For instance, Budur’s account contrasts with that of Chafik, a 64-year old male hotel owner and mountain trek guide living in Tinghir who immediately referred to the droughts and the changes over the years during the first minutes of the interview:

Chafik: The drought, yes, the drought, that comes from nature. I am not sure if you know this but every 15 years, the palmeraie [palm grove] changes.

Interviewer: In which ways?

Chafik: Due to drought. Before March, April, there was snow from the mountain ridge, but this year there was nothing. Normally, the drought should start, every five years, the palm grove in Tinghir changes and then the drought arrives.

Interviewer: Ok, so it changes a lot

Chafik: Yes, because of the water, there is no water! It’s not like before, like 40 years ago, like 30 years ago, like, 20 years ago. Even after 10 years it has changed. This year, we didn’t have any snow, well, there was snow but not like the years before, in the mountain ridge. We had snow in March, April, May, but only a little bit in June and July. But now, in March, there was nothing, in the old days, I could see snow in January, February, March, April, May, June… always snow on the mountain ridge, but the last three years there was no snow anymore, alors, the water has lowered.

Contrarily to Nizar (Tangier), who just thought of the ‘climate’ in terms of personal living preferences, and to Budur who perceived water shortage as something from the past, Chafik immediately started summing up all changes over the years in terms of snow on the mountain ridge and the changes in the palm grove. This seemed to matter more for Chafik since, as he later mentioned, this affects the people living in Tinghir, the organization of the economy, and standards of living.

The broader regional differences in terms of importance of the natural environment for people’s everyday lives are of course very understandable since they also refer to urban-rural differences in the importance of nature for survival. This regional divide will be made even more visible through the accounts shared in the next sections.

5.3.1.2 Intraregional Differences

Within each region, I also observed differences in perceived environmental changes. Some determining factors to distinguish people’s accounts include their educational level, professional experiences, and access to migrant networks – factors that are frequently correlated within the Moroccan context. In line with migration systems theory (cf. Chap. 2), migrant networks create a flow of goods, ideas, and money. With regards to this chapter, special attention is given to the flow of ideas between people and networks – what we can also refer to as ‘social remittances’. Moreover, based on insights from new economics of labour migration and migrants, a distinction needs to be made between migrant networks in Morocco and migrant networks in Europe. First, educational level and migrant networks in Europe are decisive factors that determine whether people have knowledge of these specific scientific climate change discourses, connecting CO2 emissions and pollution to global warming. Professional experience – which often relates to educational experience – and migrant networks in Morocco are crucial factors in the extent to which people perceive the environmental changes in their local natural environment.

Regarding knowledge on climate change discourses, differences in discourses are mainly noted between higher- and lower-educated people as well as between those with migrant networks in Europe and those without, clearly emphasizing the social inequalities within local communities. These differences relate to the learning method of environmental change. Relatively higher-educated respondents and those with migrant networks often repeated what they had heard about prevailing ‘climate change discourses’ in media and education, without applying this to Morocco or their own living environment (cf. interview excerpt of Budur). These differences in learning methods are especially visible in Tangier since people living in this city are not confronted with their natural environment in their daily; they are, however, also noticeable in Tinghir. Most respondents belonging to this group were familiar with the idea of ‘climate change’ in theory. This abstract theoretical framework on ‘climate change’ is situated in the future and other places. Respondents connected these discourses to a lesser extent to the changing weather patterns, the gradual degrading of areas, and impacts on agricultural activities within their immediate living environments (cf. Schilling et al. 2012). This is shown, for instance, by the interview excerpt of Rachid (male, 56 years old, kiosk seller and agricultural president of a local non-governmental organisation aimed at the improvement of agriculture in the local community, Tinghir):

Rachid: Climate change, it exists, it exists a lot, in the Seventies, I did my collège [high school] in Boumalne du Dades. The collège [in Tinghir] did not exist yet, so every morning, when I came from here, we had a lot of snow until Boumalne, but now there is more. There is a lot of [water] in the Oued [river] which was bursting, but now it is rare. We see the riverbed because we miss the rain. The sun now, it stings on the head, I do not know if the inclination of the earth, I just ... it means, the atmosphere changes, the inclination of the earth in 30 years, around its axis, maybe, I believe that the inclination of the earth, after its continuation, it’s going to give an favourable climate, better than it is now.

Interviewer: So, it will change and improve?

Rachid: Here! It means, that there are factories now in Europe, we are not influenced, because we are far, maybe for big cities, like in Europe, as in Asia, Africa, and Mexico-city, in places where there are a lot of factories, or there’s petrol that’s emitting CO2, but at home now, we’re a little affected, not so much.

Interviewer: And the drought, how do people manage that?

Rachid: The drought, from time to time, it goes up all the time, there are moments, or there is drought but after that comes the good climate.

As contradictory as it may seem, Rachid seemed to be aware of the climate changes due to CO2 emissions across the globe as well as of drought in his living environment. However, as shown by his interview excerpt, he did not connect them to each other. In Rachid’s view changes in the living environment were seen as cyclical, and therefore little could be done to alter this. Being the president of agriculture of a local NGO, this interview demonstrates the difficulty of spreading ideas, even within one’s social circles, concerning climate change and the long-term devastating effects of environmental change. Moreover, it shows how environmental changes are not necessarily seen as risks for which action needs to be undertaken or adaptation strategies need to be developed.

These results are in line with previous research on this topic that states that accounts on environmental change are often treated in a non-politicised way, adopting widespread scientific climate change discourses from Western countries (Pepermans and Maeseele 2018). This is certainly also the case in this study, as only few respondents applied scientific discourses on climate changes to local problems and issues, linking general climate change discourses to the environmental changes they perceived in their surroundings. One exception could be found during the fieldwork, namely when examining the account of one official from Tinghir municipality, Ben (51 years old, Tinghir), who was a geographer by degree and who reflected deeply upon these issues. During a 3-h interview, Ben summed up all potential hazards for environmental/climate change in the Todgha Valley, where Tinghir is located, drawing a map and sharing all municipality documents. (His interview also further served as a basis for Fig. 4.1.) The brief interview excerpt below offers an example of his concerns:

Ben: The Pre-Saharan climate has a lot of drought, there is a lack of rainfall and water shortage. We don’t have that much water here, because we don’t have that much rainfall, nor a water dam to accumulate water. If there is rain, we have a lot of floods, coming from the Sahara, in the sand. We don’t really benefit from these rainfalls, the river is then too full and then there are floods, going to the Sahara (…). We have a shortage of water in the underground aquifers, these aquifers have a 40 up to 60 metres of depth. If there is no snow [in the mountains], or not enough rain, we don’t have sufficient water. The places where we have these underground aquifers, we build a water well that reaches until the underground aquifers, nevertheless, these underground aquifers are not always sufficient due to the lack of water and snow. They are overexploited due to diesel pumps to dig up water, which makes that we in Tinghir don’t have that much water anymore.

During his interview, Ben mentioned a range of climate change-related factors – demographic (e.g. overpopulation, selective out-migration), cultural, social, and economic (e.g. organisation of land and heritage, water canals, lack of interest in agricultural activities) – and changes (e.g. less snow in the mountains, desertification), which he linked together. Such precise accounts and detailed information about local natural environmental changes are rather the exception than the rule. Ben’s account is however not surprising, given his job and background in geography which have made him aware of these environmental changes and how they relate to the local context in Tinghir.

Contrasting with this scientific discourse on ‘climate change’, a far larger group of respondents did not approach the natural environment and visible changes herein from such a theoretical, macro-level perspective. When looking at the reasons explaining why some respondents perceive actual environmental changes within their local situation while others do not, the most determining factors for the development of tacit knowledge on environmental change were professional experience or having networks of people who have such experiences, or both. More precisely, for people in Tangier, this often meant that people had migrant networks in rural areas in Morocco; for people living in Tinghir, this referred to their broader social networks and personal professional experience. Especially in Tinghir, people who benefitted from some kind of educational training often preferred to work in office jobs or aspired to avoid working in agriculture, and it was this group that encountered more difficulties in applying their knowledge, meaning that the abstract climate change discourses are not applied to the local context. By contrast, people who were aware of environmental changes in their local surroundings had often obtained this knowledge through first-hand experience – whether from their own professional experience or from experiences within their family or social networks. One particular group, elderly and relatively poorer women, tended to rely on their personal work experience. This is understandable when looking at the learning methods of environmental change (experience within own networks vs formal education/statistics). Given the relatively long timespan in which environmental changes are visible to the human eye, this means that the elderly are especially aware of such changes and have tangible tacit knowledge on this matter. This is for instance visible when going back to the interview extract of Chafik, earlier in this chapter. As a trek guide during his younger days, he was often confronted with tourists and the weather conditions in the region. This differs from the views of Ismael (male, 30 years old), who lived just outside Tinghir, near the Todgha gorge, who referred more to the natural cycles of precipitation levels or the location in the valley (near the gorge or not) to explain the weather changes and water scarcity when discussing the environment. He did not really perceive any long-term changes in the environment. Similarly, Faisal, a 30-year-old male, mentioned that he was ‘temporarily’ unemployed and that he occasionally worked as a truck driver in Casablanca. Faisal did not fully understand the question, nor saw any problems or changes linked to the environment. The real problem lay, according to him, in the lack of employment opportunities. The cases of Faisal and Ismael are illustrative of the situation of many of the young people living in Tinghir, who are mainly focused on the lack of employment opportunities as they experience long periods of unemployment. These young men did not even consider working in agriculture like their ancestors had, nor did they question potential underlying reasons for the lack of employment opportunities in their region of origin.

These differential perceptions on environmental changes according to age and professional experience also intersect with gender. Women in general were more likely to be aware of environmental changes over the years in Tinghir. This could be mainly due to gendered division of tasks in households, as working in the fields is considered a woman’s job, illustrating the separate social worlds in which men and women live. Women refer mainly to environmental changes in terms of the work on the field, as is the case for Nour (female, 45 years old, lives in the environs of Tinghir, president of a women’s association):

Nour: Over the last years, there have been a looooot of changes. There used to be a lot of water in the oases, old houses made of mud, no drought and people were still into agriculture. In recent years, people have been paying too little attention to their fields. They plant crops that hardly need water and are easy to maintain, like the alfalfaFootnote 1 for their donkeys. This way they don’t have to put too much effort in it [their fields]. You only have to maintain the alfalfa once or twice a year. Recently, only people coming from other places [the surrounding villages or nomads] work on the fields. People from Tinghir work in administration or migrate.

As Nour’s interview extract demonstrates, gendered task divisions in society are reflected in perceived environmental changes. This is understandable since gender roles and gendered divisions of tasks with regard to land use reflect how much people are personally confronted with changes in their natural living environment and how much they depend on it for their livelihood as well as for their position in, and contribution to, the household (cf. Chap. 2, new economics of labour migration; Stark and Bloom 1985; Taylor 1999). During her interview, Nour reflected on environmental changes through the lens of changes in agricultural activities and possibilities. The interrelation between perceived environmental change, agricultural activities, and social structures in society shapes the vulnerabilities of people confronted with environmental change and further reproduces inequalities. For instance, women like Nour were very much aware of environmental changes as it impacts how much they can contribute to the household’s income, and this is certainly relevant when being divorced, widowed, or living with an unemployed husband. Environmental changes reduce the importance of agriculture in society and leave agricultural work for those who have no alternative opportunities, and certainly no means to migrate. Hence, this is important in order to understand the distinct migration aspirations of people living in Tinghir and their perceived linkage to environmental changes.

Finally, due to regional differences in economic activities (cf. supra) these changes are more often noted by people living in Tinghir (and to a lesser extent to those in Tangier with relatives still living in similar regions elsewhere in Morocco). Respondents who work in agriculture refer to the history of water shortages in Morocco, the outdated agricultural methods and traditions, low living standards, and lack of employment opportunities.

The importance of first-hand experience for the development of tacit knowledge on this matter is clearly visible when looking at the accounts of people – also living in Tinghir – but who barely received any formal education or have experience working in agriculture. For this group, only the factors impacting their own lives are known. This was, for instance, the case for Houda (51 years old, widowed housewife, originating from Essaouira, now living in Tinghir with her mother and children):

Interviewer: During the last years, did the environment change a lot? Were there a lot of changes in nature?

Houda: Yes, even nature has changed (laughs). Like the year that just has passed, it was a lot colder, so much colder this year than the years that have passed. I think the last years were a bit drier, there was drought. But the last two years, there was so much rain and even snow. It has snowed, it snowed a lot last year.

Interviewer: And did this impact you this year?

Houda: Yes, really, because of the food, we needed heating.

Interviewer: You also felt cold in the house?

Houda: Yes, but my husband [who passed away last year] has put heating in our house, before he passed away, he installed a heating system, so this year we were lucky, we were very lucky. (…)

Interviewer: Was there always drought or did it become worse lately?

Houda: It wasn’t always like that, the last few years, there was more drought in Morocco.

Interviewer: How did you feel that this drought has affected your life?

Houda: Me? I did not feel it, because you can buy maize, bread, and vegetables. You feel it in the prices, they increase the price, but also to buy for Eid, the prices increase as well.

Interviewer: So because of the drought, prices increase.

Houda: Even if there is a lot of rain, the prices of the vegetables increase a bit, but not a lot.

Overall, these accounts show that individual (work) experiences of respondents and their relatives – living nearby or in rural areas elsewhere – tend to determine the extent to which people perceive environmental changes in their immediate living environment without having learnt about this in school or from the media.

5.3.2 Explaining Environmental Changes

As seen in the previous paragraphs, people who were aware of more scientific climate change discourses often failed to link this to their immediate living environment. The group of respondents who were not familiar with climate change discourses but had tacit knowledge of environmental changes through personal experiences and networks seemed to search for or rely on alternative explanations that are standard in climate change policy/scientific discourses. Since scientific climate change discourses were not used to explain the observed natural environmental changes, more references were made to the harmony between humankind and nature and to God as an explanation for the observed changes. For instance, Achraf (30 years old artist, living in Tangier, originally from the environs of Errachidia) mentioned the drought and the Sahara Desert in the region where he was born:

Achraf: It depends, the Sahara, it depends on which side of the Sahara (…) there is one part of the Sahara, where we don’t have sand, and there is another part where the sea is already gone, where it has left ‘son amour’ [his love] the Sahara…

Interviewer: Did the weather change a lot the last couple of years?

Achraf: Yes, it has changed, it’s mainly during the entire winter.

Interviewer: And what has changed there?

Achraf: Because there is no balance ‘dans cette terre’ [in this earth].

Interviewer: How come?

Achraf: Humans have forgotten the balance with earth

Claude [approx. 40 years old migrant from sub-Saharan Africa, who helps Achraf during their volunteering work, Tangier]: God makes it rain, it’s really him.

Interviewer: So, is it God?

Achraf: Yes, there is a sign, it’s a sign, you know, nature does not accept human fears.

When Achraf continues to talk about the relationship between humans and nature, he states that he should rely more on his senses and be more in balance with nature and love. Out of the sample, this view may be one of the most explicit in terms of mentioning the harmonious relationship between humans, God, and nature. Other respondents also referred to God as an explanation for environmental changes and weather patterns and the acceptance of the changes in nature due to God’s will, albeit in less detail. This is for instance the case of Chaima (approx. 55 years old, not educated, interviewed through male translator from the neighbourhood, Tinghir) and her 23-year old son who is a carpet salesman:

Interviewer: In the fields, she [Chaima] notes that there is also a change in the level of water over the years. Is there a differential access to water or not?

Interpreter/Chaima: The drought!

Chaima’s son: At the time, there was less water but nowadays, there is sufficient water to use for almost everything.

Interviewer: So, back in the days, there was less water and now, there is more water? How come she thinks there was such a change in water?

Interpreter/Chaima: C’est Dieu! (it’s God), God has given us the rain, the snow, it’s God.

Chaima’s son: Normally, it’s a scientific question...

Interviewer: Everyone can have their own views on the reasons for these changes.

Chaima’s son: Voila, oui, but I think that the women here, they explain the fact that we have more water today, they explain the rain. That is to say, that they see that there is rain, they see that the rains are collected in the earth, in the springs, that we have more water. This can be explained by [meteorology].

In this interview, the generational differences in the explanation of environmental changes (science vs. will of God/Earth) can be noted. Furthermore, from this interview excerpt, it is however unclear how the natural environment has been altered over the years (for better or worse; whether there is more or less water) and how the perceived changing weather patterns rely on personal observations that link their experiences of different time periods together. A similar example in which God plays a leading role in the explanation of environmental changes is the interview of Khadija (approx. 30 years old, with small children, nomadic lifestyle, no formal education, interviewed through female translator, Todgha Valley, Tinghir), who lost her cattle due to the sudden snow in the mountains near Tinghir in the months preceding the interview, and who came to the Todgha valley to beg tourists for some money for survival:

Interviewer: And why do you think there is less rain?

Interpreter/Khadija: She said, it’s because of God. People don’t behave properly and God … people are the problem.

Interviewer: And what did people do?

Interpreter/Khadija: They really believe in God and people always behave badly, and God doesn’t like that. They always violate the rules, they do wrong, they lie. Women don’t dress according to the rules: they dance, they don’t wear veils [like the researcher at that moment].

Interviewer: So that’s the reason, God is not happy.

Interpreter/Khadija: That’s it! She [the respondent] says that if everyone works, everyone is happy, but if there is no rain…

As the harmony between nature and humans is perceived to be distorted due to human behaviour that disturbed God, repercussions are also framed from this perspective. As a consequence, environmental changes are not perceived as caused by human activity in terms of polluting, standards of living, and consumption patterns; it is rather interpreted in cultural and moral norms and values. For this particular group of nomads living in the surrounding mountain areas of Tinghir with hardly any formal education or long-distance travel experience, it also seems to be hard to imagine such polluting consumption behaviours, industries, and so on elsewhere that could tremendously alter the natural environment. Environmental risks are thus perceived by the local population but hardly considered to be something within their reach of control.

As illustrated by the last accounts of this section, different respondents refer to God’s will and to nature as God’s creation. This theocentric view of nature, or the prevailing religious beliefs, does not necessarily mean that all respondents always relate environmental changes to God, as is the case for the younger Yanis (27 years old, tourist guide with a Dutch girlfriend, lives in the environs of Tinghir). When confronted with the fact that many people living in the same area related weather patterns – and in particular, the lack of water – changes to God, he stated the following:

Yanis: GOD? You know God (laughs)? GOD, if it’s God… if I would say it wants rain now, where is it then!? If people are not nice, I can understand this. When people are not nice inside, I can’t believe this but if they said…

Interviewer: What do you mean with ‘when people are not nice?’

Yanis: Their hearts are black. They don’t want nice things [to happen] for others. They just think of themselves. For instance, you are in the village, even when you’re nice to each other, sometimes you want to pray for the rain (high voice) ‘Oh pray for the rain! It will rain, when you pray’ (laughs). [Explains more about Imilchil and rituals] You are not interested in this, you only think of the khattaras [traditional underground irrigation system] (laughs). You ask the God (laughs) and ask, ‘why change the weather’.

In his narrative, Yanis did not seem to be entirely against praying to God for help, he just felt that this was not the appropriate topic to be resolved by prayer. According to him, people prayed more for purity and for social and cultural activities, not for water or climate/weather pattern changes. He suggested that praying for water was a selfish thing to do, as by doing so, water may run out for others or in the future. These accounts demonstrate the various ways in which humans interpret environmental changes and position themselves towards environmental changes. These harmonious ways of dealing with environmental changes or framing them in their religious beliefs also impact their reactive behaviour towards such changes. As these references and explanations related to Islam and God only came to the fore at the end of my fieldwork, I realise that systematic attention should have been given to how perceptions of environmental change relate to personal and institutional modes of religiosity, impacting religious beliefs, commitment, or behaviour. Highlighting the contradiction between statistical discourses of climate change on the one hand, and tacit knowledge based on working for considerable time in impacted regions or in agriculture, on the other, was already a first innovative finding. Second, linking these views to religion also challenges the Western dominant discourses on climate change and calls for a more cultural relativist approach to the study of perceptions of environmental change.

5.4 Conclusions

The aim of this chapter was to understand some of the prevailing views on environmental changes and human-nature relationships in Tangier and Tinghir and how they are embedded in local cultures and religions. In order to do so, the perceptions of environmental changes emanating from people living in Tangier and Tinghir were first set out, before explaining how they interpreted these changes. The focus of this chapter is a necessary step in the study of environmental migration since it links people’s views with their abilities, perceived environmental risks, and subsequent adaptation strategies. Being aware of environmental change and its impact on people’s lives is then necessary to further mitigate risks in the household (cf. new economics of labour migration) and, as a consequence, developing migration aspirations and trajectories (cf. Chaps. 6 and 7). This study clearly shows that not everyone approaches environmental changes from a purely scientific perspective nor are such changes easy to perceive by individuals due to their relatively large timespan. Although this may sound logical and not necessarily new from an anthropological, historical, and sociological perspective, this finding is often not recognised in environmental (or ‘climate’) change research and policy (e.g. IPCC 2014), nor are tacit knowledge and skills developed within local communities included in climate mitigation or environmental migration policies. The impact of this finding for research and policymaking on environmental migration and displacement should also not be underestimated, as this is a condition to link environmental change and migration for people involved themselves. In this chapter, two main research questions were investigated. The first examined the (potentially) perceived environmental changes in the immediate living environment of people living in Tinghir and Tangier. The second research question followed up on this and gauged how the same group of respondents interpreted these perceived environmental changes.

The answer to the first research question is that there are both inter- and intra-regional differences in respondents’ perceptions of the environmental changes in their immediate natural environment. With regard to interregional differences, perceived differences in environmental changes often varied across living areas. Far more people were aware of environmental changes and associated discourses in Tinghir, compared to Tangier. These differences are understandable since they also encompass urban-rural differences in the importance of nature for survival and reflect distinct economic activities (cf. Bele et al. 2014; Howe et al. 2014; Wodon et al. 2014; De Longueville et al. 2020). With respect to the intra-regional differences, considerable variation in perceptions was noted as well. Levels of educational attainment and access to migrant networks in Europe tended to determine whether respondents referred to scientific climate change discourses when discussing environmental changes. Nevertheless, this group of respondents hardly applied this knowledge to their local natural environment. Conversely, the tacit knowledge built up through the respondents’ (or their relatives’) work experiences in their natural environment or in agriculture (i.e. family members or migrant networks in Morocco) seemed to influence how much insight people have into the environmental changes currently unfolding in their local natural environment. Given these distinct views on environmental changes and learning methods (tacit knowledge and skills vs formal education/statistics), it is also not surprising that this was reflected in the knowledge of climate change discourses and perception of environmental changes within the local environment. Changes occur, in terms of a lifetime, in a relatively slow manner. Because of this, environmental changes are particularly observed by elderly for whom migration is not necessarily a valid option (cf. Adam 2005; Schewel 2019). The finding that age matters for the knowledge of environmental changes is important since these are not the people who are necessarily able or willing to migrate (due to their age and socio-economic status). Conversely, people with access to migrant networks through which knowledge is shared on ‘climate change discourses’ hardly apply their knowledge on climate change to their own living environment.

To answer the second research question, data analyses indicate that there are a multitude of explanations of environmental changes, which similarly seem to depend on the learning method of environmental changes. Some people experienced environmental changes over the course of their lives, seeing it as a part of nature’s laws and as the will of God, as it is reflected as well in many verses of the Quran. The accounts of lower-educated respondents mainly suggested adherence to a rather ecocentric or theocentric approach towards the relationship between humans and nature. Others were far more familiar with ‘statistical’ climate change discourses, being aware of the Moroccan delegation in climate change conferences across the world and its leading position in Africa but failed to link them to current living conditions in Morocco. Finally, the described perceptions on environmental change can be framed within the overall prevailing views on nature and religion, within both Islam and the Amazigh culture. While no clear differences could be noted across regions and within these groups, seeing the extent to which people refer to their religious beliefs and cultural traditions, it is clear that the relationship between humans and nature is viewed from a more harmonious perspective, prevalent in both religion and local cultures. Although regional differences in respondents’ accounts are noted, which may align with local Berber/Amazigh culture and Arab and Islamic identities (Karrouche 2017) between Tangier and Tinghir, no explicit references were made to these potential explanations for different worldviews and therefore require further research. The findings seem to indicate that it is mainly religious beliefs in general that matter in shaping people’s ideas concerning environmental protection and changes. Similarly, in a previous study of Mertz et al. (2010) in the Sudano-Sahelian zone of West-Africa, ‘prayer’ was mentioned as a way of dealing with environmental change.

The results of this chapter show that first of all, more attention in prevailing climate change discourses and policymaking should be given to the views of actors living in affected regions (Stern 2000; McLeman and Gemenne 2018; Khare and Khare 2006; Rigby 2016). Tacit knowledge and skills on environmental change and adaptation strategies should be better shared within and across local communities and inspire policymaking at the international level. Ignoring this may result in – for policymakers – unforeseen migration outcomes, patterns, vulnerabilities and maladapted policies and research frameworks. Second, data analyses indicate that the learning method of environmental change is important to incorporate in research and policy; for instance, in sensitization about climate change within Morocco, the co-creative development of collective and individual adaptation strategies to deal with (the consequences of) environmental change (cf. Kelly and Adger 2000; Hillman et al. 2015). In Chap. 6, links between perceptions of environmental change, perceived associated risks related to these changes, and the development of adaptation strategies will be set out in a more explicit manner.