Abstract
Gendered organizations is a recent academic specialty within sociology, management, communications, and other disciplines. Martin reviews the history and emergence of the field, its transition to a feminist perspective, and her involvement in its development. Before the 1970s, when “rational-technical” conceptions of organizations were hegemonic, minimal attention was paid to women at work; formal organizations were viewed as men’s domain. Yet, critical scholarship on gendered organizations began appearing in the 1970s, blossomed in the 1980s, and developed at a feverish pace in the 1990s and beyond, largely inspired by sociologist Joan Acker’s work. Martin reviews the history of the field and points to the future regarding gendered change, practice(s), and research and theory on organizations.
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Notes
- 1.
The 1970s saw a sprinkling of research on women’s (vs. men’s) work but not on the nature of organizations, as I report shortly. Most researchers took a jobs/occupations approach perhaps reflecting the greater availability of data on jobs and occupations in comparison to data on organizations. Organizations resist allowing researchers to obtain data on them other than those they produce for their own purposes, e.g., for the Internal Revenue Service, stock holders, their board of directors, or the public whom they serve or to whom they sell.
- 2.
An older male colleague confided at the time that the dean who had hired us felt ‘the boys should be paid more than the girls’ because men support a family.
- 3.
The university aggressively fought us for the first few years of the suit by hiring a Washington D. C. law firm to depose and threaten. But, when the judge proved sympathetic to our complaint, the university dropped the firm and decided to avoid retribution, unlike the stance many U. S. universities took at the time (Theodore 1978).
- 4.
They also challenged the conclusions of French sociologist Michel Crozier (1964) who failed to address gender in his influential studies of “the bureaucratic phenomenon.”
- 5.
Baron and Bielby (1980) also made theoretical contributions by urging organization scholars to “bring the firms back in,” challenging neo-institutional theory’s stance that organizations primarily conform to their institutional environment. They argued that organizations also shape their environment, asking scholars to view organizations as agents. Barbara Reskin (1988) made a comparable argument about men and gender in organizational contexts.
- 6.
To be noted shortly, Joan Acker (cf. 2006) promoted a similar thesis to show how organizations actively use gender and race/ethnicity and social class, etc. to create distinctions that foster inequality in organizations. While Bielby and Baron documented the gendered character of organizations, their data could not address process. They called on others to explore the dynamics and practices that characterize gendered organizational relations, a call that influenced me to apply for a grant to study gender in the headquarters of major U. S. corporations in the 1990s.
- 7.
This paper by Acker has been cited thousands of times. Acker also produced others soon afterwards and continued doing so until shortly before she died in 2016. Acker is viewed around the world as the founder of the gendered organizations specialty and the author of work that is exciting and theoretically brilliant. She was beloved by all who knew her.
- 8.
Many feminist organizations have women members only although some employ men for particular functions such as serving as treasurer, fund-raiser, public relations specialist or to provide therapeutic support to boys or men who have been sexually assaulted. Challenges faced by feminist organizations that are also bureaucratic are explored by Ashcraft (2001) and myself (Martin 2013), as I note later.
- 9.
- 10.
Feminists have long struggled with reconciling feminism and bureaucracy, as they do today. My view is that even though it is challenging, it can be done. (See later discussion.)
- 11.
Toward a goal of showing how feminist practices can foster effective and respectful relations and results, I wrote a paper on feminist management (Martin 1993) that differentiates feminist from feminine, a distinction some scholars fail to make.
- 12.
My reasons for studying for-profit corporations are explained in Martin 2001, and centered on their influence on U. S. laws and regulations for all employers, due to their cadre of Washington lobbyists who draft and promote legislation that is favorable to themselves.
- 13.
I refer to interviewees as informants rather than respondents or subjects. They informed about the practices of their colleagues and organizations relative to gender, serving as a sort of “human periscope” that revealed the conditions and dynamics of their organizations.
- 14.
I said my goal was to understand “The Changing Workplace,” a phrase that resonated with informants who read into it such things as layoffs, long hours, travel, lack of responsiveness to family needs, etc., all of which are relevant to gender.
- 15.
A Ph. D. chemist researcher in a major company complained about a male colleague who spoke disparagingly about women in her presence (Martin 1997a). She tried to ignore it but was too upset. It bothered her that other men did not check his behavior. Although in this instance, she felt the man’s insults were intentional, most women informants did not view men associates as intending to harm them (Martin 2001).
- 16.
- 17.
When one high status male heard a vignette about men talking extensively in meetings “long after the work was done,” he saw nothing about gender in the story and exclaimed: “That manager should be fired!” (see vignette details in Martin 2003).
- 18.
While my findings about masculinity reflect primarily the standpoint of women (Martin 2001), they were confirmed in interviews with and observations of men. Observations of diversity training workshops and cafeterias lunches revealed additional data on gender (and race/ethnic) relations, some of which were rather alarming.
- 19.
For talks about such issues, I created cartoons to depict men’s focus on each other—while largely ignoring women--in contrast to women’s focus both on men and on women. Men’s attention to power and desires for acceptance and access to resources no doubt contributes to this pattern.
- 20.
- 21.
In recent years, a few women have served as presidents of prestigious universities (e.g., Chicago, Harvard, Duke) but most have not had a woman president or chancellor. A mid-western university where I recently spoke had 19 departments in its college of arts and sciences, only one of which had a woman chair. Results like these tell both men and women that men matter more, just as a bartender’s actions may (see later in chapter). Only five percent of U. S. corporations were headed by women in 2018, down from six percent in 2015.
- 22.
In saying organizations take action, I do not assume they act independently of human agency. Rather, it means that those who occupy powerful organizational positions can act in the organization’s name and use its resources for their ends. In that regard, an organization acts. Organizations provide resources and legitimacy that empower leaders to do things they could not do otherwise. When U. S. President Donald Trump sends military troops to the U. S. southern border to install a wall, he can do so because he occupies the position of president with the power and resources of the nation at his behest.
- 23.
Jon Miller’s (1986) study of a government agency explored how white men, white women and African American women and men fared. Only for white men were organizational rewards (positions, power, compensation) commensurate with their qualifications and experience. Miller found that internal communication networks and interpersonal relations were associated with this result. Yet Miller did not focus on external conditions that contributed to the internal dynamics reflected in his results.
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Martin, P.Y. (2020). Gendered Organizations: Fifty Years and Counting. In: Fenstermaker, S., Stewart, A.J. (eds) Gender, Considered. Genders and Sexualities in the Social Sciences. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48501-6_12
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