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Complexity Management: Reinventing Democracy

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Digitising Democracy

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Abstract

Democracy is currently being reinvented. This is a necessary process that is closely and inseparably linked to the ongoing digitalisation of the world. It is unlikely to be stopped. At the same time, it is not a force of nature. There is room for manoeuvre that can and must be used politically.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For details on the complex theories of democracy, see Schmidt (2000), p. 294 ff.

  2. 2.

    However, Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 27.

  3. 3.

    On the etymological interpretation of the concept of democracy, to which the teleological interpretation naturally refers, see Sartori (1997), p. 29 ff. with further citations.

  4. 4.

    Lauth (2008), p. 36 ff. gives an overview of the methods. Pioneering here are Vanhanen (1992), p. 22 f. and Vanhanen (1997), p. 27 f.

  5. 5.

    Vanhanen (1997), p. 55 ff., has developed a democratisation index that allows a systematic global comparison. For details of the sophisticated “New Index of Democracy (NID)”, see Lauth (2008), p. 39 ff.

  6. 6.

    Vanhanen (1992), p. 157 ff.

  7. 7.

    For details, see Pickel and Pickel (2006), p. 209 ff. with further citations.

  8. 8.

    Also, Pickel and Pickel (2006), p. 231 ff. with further citations.

  9. 9.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 71, with further citations.

  10. 10.

    For details on how effective participation opportunities are measured by empirical democracy theory, see Schmidt (2000), p. 390 ff. with further citations.

  11. 11.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 113., is pointed in this regard.

  12. 12.

    On the function of the public in democracy, see Gerhards (2000), p. 287 with further citations.

  13. 13.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 113.

  14. 14.

    For an emphatic approach, see Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 67 f. with further citations, who completely ignores modern democracy theory and empirical democracy research.

  15. 15.

    For a basic account, see Dahl (1998), p. 38 ff.

  16. 16.

    See Gabriel (2008), p. 184 f. with further citations.

  17. 17.

    For details, see Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 49 ff. with further citations.

  18. 18.

    On pragmatism as the basis of the majority principle, see Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 49.

  19. 19.

    However, majority voting—as its long pre-democratic tradition shows—is not necessarily linked to democracy. See Dreier (1986), p. 94 ff. with further citations.

  20. 20.

    Lübbe (2004), p. 144.

  21. 21.

    On the efficiency of majority voting, see Sartori (1997), p. 224 ff.

  22. 22.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 141, with further citations.

  23. 23.

    Rhinow (1984), p. 184.

  24. 24.

    Tocqueville (1835/1986), p. 287ff, already deals critically with the negative consequences of majority voting using the example of American democracy. He speaks pointedly of the “omnipotence of the majority”.

  25. 25.

    Morlok (2001), p. 561 f. with further citations.

  26. 26.

    Lijphart (1991), p. 484 with further citations.

  27. 27.

    For a clear perspective on this, see BVerfGE 70, 324, 363 ff. On the political-philosophical justification of the protection of minorities in democracy, see Applbaum (2002), p. 21 ff.

  28. 28.

    For details of horizontal trust, which is necessary for the functioning of democracy, see Offe (2001), p. 241 ff. with further citations.

  29. 29.

    Abromeit (2002), p. 142.

  30. 30.

    Rhinow (1984), p. 255.

  31. 31.

    For details, see Gusy (1981), p. 349 f.

  32. 32.

    On the rights of the opposition in parliament, see Stein and Frank (2004), p. 93 f.; von Beyme (2004), p. 278 ff.

  33. 33.

    However, reversing legislative decisions cannot mean eliminating all practical consequences. Effects that have already occurred in the past can often no longer be revised. At the same time, a new course for the future can be set. For details, see Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 58 with further citations.

  34. 34.

    See Zürn (1998), p. 241 f., with further citations.

  35. 35.

    For details of the importance of elections for democracy, see Morlok (2001), p. 568.

  36. 36.

    For details, see Henseler (1983), p. 497 ff. with further citations.

  37. 37.

    Kielmansegg (1996), p. 55 ff. Haltern (1998), p. 608 aptly speaks of a necessary sense of belonging to a community.

  38. 38.

    Scharpf (2000), p. 270 ff.

  39. 39.

    Hurrelmann (2003), p. 669, stresses that stable democratic systems are not possible without a demos based on basic common ideas.

  40. 40.

    Similar here is the concept of the overarching consensus by Rawls (1992), p. 285: despite all the differences in the world views of the citizens, there must be an overlap, an overarching consensus.

  41. 41.

    Scharpf (1998), p. 155. Kirchhof (1991), p. 13f; Huber (1992), p. 349 ff; Di Fabio (1993), p. 202 ff, who regard a homogeneous (state) people as a prerequisite for democracy, fail to recognise this. The German Federal Constitutional Court is also strongly in favour of this view: BVerfGE 83, 37, 50 f.; 83, 60, 71; 89, 155, 182 f. Weiler (1996), p. 100, rightly points to the roots of this opinion in pre-democratic, nationalist-nativist state thinking.

  42. 42.

    Gosewinkel (1998), p. 125 ff. with further citations.

  43. 43.

    Schulze (1994), p. 335 and Macków (2005), p. 423.

  44. 44.

    For detailed information on the “crisis of the classical concept”, see Nassehi and Schroer (1999), p. 104 ff.

  45. 45.

    For detailed information on the dimensions and types of global migration flows, see Opitz (2001), p. 262 ff.

  46. 46.

    Soysal (1991), p. 1 ff., 164 ff. Similarly, Gosewinkel (1998), p. 134.

  47. 47.

    See also Weiler (1996), p. 128 ff.

  48. 48.

    For more details, see Taylor (2002), p. 15 f.

  49. 49.

    The term was coined by Sternberger (1990), p. 17 ff, especially p. 30.

  50. 50.

    Habermas (1996), p. 262f.

  51. 51.

    Trüdinger (2008), p. 229 with further citations. Gellner and Glatzmeier (2005), p. 12 f. interpret similar figures from a previous survey too restrictively. It is no longer the case—as they claim—that national identities are dominant in most Member States.

  52. 52.

    See also Trüdinger (2008), p. 229. Art. 17 para. 1 sentence 2 Treaty on the European Union (TEU) can only restrict this thesis, but not refute it. Although EU citizenship is still linked to the nationality of a Member State, it is an additional, new legal institution which goes beyond national citizenship. On the innovation potential of European citizenship, see Preuß (1998), p. 22 ff. with further citations.

  53. 53.

    On the special significance of the idea of equality for democracy, see Tocqueville (1835/1986), p. 581 ff. On the fundamental significance of equality for Athenian democracy, see Bleicken (1995), p. 338 ff.

  54. 54.

    It is obvious that this ideal has only been realised to a limited extent in political practice. On the reasons for this using the example of political communication, see Peters (1994), p. 52 ff. with further citations.

  55. 55.

    However, social characteristics affect the actual chances of democratic participation. See Peters (1994), p. 46, who rightly derives from this the normative requirement to neutralise such influences in the democratic public as far as possible.

  56. 56.

    In epistemological terms, the postulate of freedom and equality as the basis of democracy goes back to Aristotle. See Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 35 ff. with further citations.

  57. 57.

    Similarly, Böckenförde (2004), marginal no. 38, who speaks of the “availability of the political and legal order”.

  58. 58.

    A clear position here is BVerfGE 70, 324, 363 ff.—Geheimdienstkontrolle. On the political-philosophical justification of the protection of minorities in democracy, see Applbaum (2002), p. 21 f.

  59. 59.

    On the protection of minorities through fundamental rights, see Stein and Frank (2004), p. 59.

  60. 60.

    Taylor (2002), art. 32 f.

  61. 61.

    Schaal (2004), p. 153.

  62. 62.

    On trust as a prerequisite for cooperation, see Gambetta (2001), p. 211 ff. with further citations.

  63. 63.

    See Gabriel (2008), p. 185.

  64. 64.

    Schaal (2004), p. 168.

  65. 65.

    Offe (2001), p. 263; Taylor (2002), p. 32. Therefore, a minimum level of mutual respect is an important factor of democracy. Taylor (2002), p. 26, is correct in this regard.

  66. 66.

    This is stressed by Abromeit (2002), p. 172.

  67. 67.

    Zürn (1998), p. 237.

  68. 68.

    For a fundamental account, see Dahl (1989), p. 119 ff.; Taylor (2002), p. 30.

  69. 69.

    Similarly, Gabriel (2008), p. 185.

  70. 70.

    An exception to this rule is the Swiss Federal Constitution, which contains numerous plebiscitary popular rights. See Rhinow (1984), p. 199 ff. with further citations.

  71. 71.

    Not least for this reason, a public arena also established itself with democracy in classical Athens. See Bleicken (1995), p. 422 ff.

  72. 72.

    Given the importance that a procedure has for the result, BVerfGE 89, 155, 185 rightly emphasises this.

  73. 73.

    For details on vertical and horizontal trust in democracy, see Offe (2001), p. 241 ff. with extensive citations.

  74. 74.

    The close connection between the mass media and the public can already be seen in the history of this development: the development of public opinion in Europe since the seventeenth century has been closely intertwined with the development of the press. For details, see Habermas (1962/1990), p. 105 f.; 275 ff. with further citations.

  75. 75.

    An idea of the range of possibilities is provided by the extensive empirical comparisons of democracy that are now carried out on a regular basis. An impressive example is Vanhanen (1992, 1997). Schmidt (2000), p. 309 ff. with further citations, provides an overview from the perspective of comparative democracy research.

  76. 76.

    Beetham (1998), p. 59, with further citations; Habermas (1992), p. 109 ff.; Fox (1992), p. 595 with further citations. For details on various facets of this context, see Beetham (1999), p. 89 ff. with further citations.

  77. 77.

    Similarly, Fox (1992), p. 595 with further citations. Cohen and Sabel (1997), p. 319 f. with further citations, also argue in this direction.

  78. 78.

    Maus (1999), p. 287, with reference to Rousseau and Kant.

  79. 79.

    On the claim to the universality of human rights from the perspective of legal philosophy, see Koller (1999), p. 228 ff. with further citations, and Höffe (1994), p. 21 ff.

  80. 80.

    Shinada (2004), p. 476.

  81. 81.

    See Bretherton (1998), p. 262 ff. with further citations; Faßbender (2003), p. 13 f. with further citations. Hutter (2003), p. 104 f., is fully committed to the universalism position with arguments from the practice of human rights work.

  82. 82.

    Brown (2004), p. 251 ff. with further citations, argues in this direction. Similarly Hutter (2003), p. 108 f., who regards the idea of human rights as universal because it is based on experiences of injustice that are felt everywhere, i.e. universally.

  83. 83.

    For details, see Bretherton (1998), p. 264 ff. with further citations. In this context the thesis that Chinese culture in general and Confucianism in particular know the idea of human dignity is very interesting. This diametrically contradicts the current opinion that in Asia human rights—as individual rights—are a cultural “foreign body”. For detailed information, see Roetz (1998), p. 37 ff., in particular p. 55 with further citations.

  84. 84.

    See for instance Ake (1987), p. 5. Similarly also Mbaya (1999), p. 316 ff., who points to differences between the human rights concept and the African tradition and “African humanism”.

  85. 85.

    As an example only, see Ghai (1994), p. 1 ff.

  86. 86.

    For a highly critical account of this argument, see Hutter (2003), p. 104 ff. with further citations.

  87. 87.

    One example is the low level of ratification of UN agreements on individual rights in Southeast Asia. See Bretherton (1998), p. 261 f., with further citations.

  88. 88.

    For details on the question of whether individual human rights can be reconciled with the Confucian culture in China—and other Southeast Asian states—see Roetz (1998), p. 37 ff. with further citations and Kühnhardt (1991), p. 193 ff. with further citations. The problem also becomes virulent in the question of the relationship between Confucianism and democracy. See also Paul (1998), p. 57 ff. with further citations.

  89. 89.

    For overview, see Kühnhardt (1991), p. 142 ff. with further citations.

  90. 90.

    Habermas (1992), p. 124. The classification of all states in the world into the categories democracy or autocracy in Schmidt (2000), p. 254 ff. is instructive here.

  91. 91.

    Franck (1992), p. 46; Hobe (1999), p. 274. For detailed information on this development process, see Franck (1995), p. 85 ff. Hobe and Kimminich (2004), p. 398 with further citations, are more sceptical. Ipsen (2004), p. 430 ff. with further citations, give an overview of the discussion.

  92. 92.

    Franck (1992), p. 47., is emphatic here. Hobe (1999), p. 274 with further citations, describes individual examples of binding democratic obligations in international law.

  93. 93.

    For the reasons for this, see Fox (1992), p. 545 with further citations.

  94. 94.

    This is the convincing argumentation of Franck (1992), p. 52 ff. with further citations.

  95. 95.

    Franck (1992), p. 52. Franck (1995), p. 91 ff. with further citations. For general information, see Hobe and Kimminich (2004), p. 111 ff. with further citations.

  96. 96.

    This is the definitive definition in the Friendly Relations Declaration of the UN General Assembly of 24 October 1970, Res. 2625 (XXV).

  97. 97.

    Franck (1995), p. 92 attributes the right of self-determination to the exodus of the Jewish people from Egypt around 1000 BC. Hobe and Kimminich (2004), p. 111 see the beginning of self-determination only in the nineteenth century. That probably falls short of the mark.

  98. 98.

    The Federal Constitutional Court emphasises this again and again. See alone BVerfGE 87, 399, 409; 93, 266, 292. See Dreier (1998), marginal no. 74 with further citations.

  99. 99.

    For detailed information on discursive rights in international law, see Franck (1995), p. 98 ff. with further citations.

  100. 100.

    BGBl. 1973 II, p. 1534.

  101. 101.

    BGBl. 2002 II, p. 1055.

  102. 102.

    Printed e.g. in Europäische Grundrechte-Zeitschrift (EuGRZ) 1980, 435. For general accounts, see Hobe and Kimminich (2004), p. 419 ff. with further citations, and Ipsen (2004), p. 805 f. Kokott (1999), p. 196, points out that the practice of the Inter-American human rights organs is clearly different from that of the ECHR organs. In view of the very different framework conditions, this is hardly surprising.

  103. 103.

    The text is printed in EuGRZ 1990, p. 348. For details, see Turack (1984), p. 361 ff. with further citations. However, it is very doubtful whether the Charter will have a major impact in practice. See Fox (1992), p. 568; Mbaya (1999), p. 330.

  104. 104.

    Franck (1992), art. 63. For details, see Franck (1995), p. 105 ff. with further citations.

  105. 105.

    An overview of all documents is provided by Franck (1992), p. 63 ff.

  106. 106.

    For details, see Fox (1992), p. 553 with further citations.

  107. 107.

    For details, see Fox (1992), p. 565 ff. with further citations.

  108. 108.

    For a highly critical account, see Fox (1992), p. 568, who regards Art. 13 as an “almost entirely useless as an international standard of conduct”. More optimistic about the development of democracy in Africa is Mbaya (1999), p. 336 ff.

  109. 109.

    For detailed information on election monitoring by the UN, see Fox (1992), p. 572 ff. with further citations.

  110. 110.

    From 20 March 1952. Printed in BGBl. 2002 II, p. 1072. For details, see Fox (1992), p. 560 ff. with further citations.

  111. 111.

    Contrary to the strict wording, Article 3 of the 1st Additional Protocol of the ECHR includes an individual right to participation. The European Commission on Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights have developed this in their case law. On the background of this practice of issuing judgments, see Fox (1992), p. 560.

  112. 112.

    Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 134, with further citations.

  113. 113.

    The German Federal Constitutional Court has consistently emphasised this in its case law: BVerfGE 2, 380, 403; 60, 253, 268 f.; 88, 384, 403; 97, 67, 78.

  114. 114.

    On the protection of legitimate expectations from the point of view of civil law, see Schäfer and Ott (2005), p. 523 f. with further citations.

  115. 115.

    For details, see Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 139 ff.

  116. 116.

    For an early, fundamental approach, see BVerfGE 1, 14, 45; 17, 67, 82; 25, 216, 227. For details, see Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 117 ff. with further citations.

  117. 117.

    For a basic approach, see BVerfGE 5, 25, 31 f.; 8, 274, 302; 22, 330, 346. For details, see Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 129, with further citations.

  118. 118.

    BVerfGE 98, 106, 118 f.

  119. 119.

    Kägi (1978), p. 136 ff. with further citations, as an example.

  120. 120.

    Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 50 with further citations.

  121. 121.

    For details, see Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 95 ff. with further citations.

  122. 122.

    For basic information, see BVerfGE 33, 125, 158 f.; 33, 303, 333 f., 337, 346. For details, see Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 103 ff. with further citations.

  123. 123.

    Schulze-Fielitz (1998), marginal no. 105, with further citations.

  124. 124.

    Schmidt-Aßmann (2004), RD 31, with further citations, who, however, rightly points out that not every single expression of fundamental rights constitutes an essential of the rule of law.

  125. 125.

    Abbott et al. (2000), p. 415 ff.

  126. 126.

    Similarly, Schmidt-Aßmann (2004), marginal no. 81.

  127. 127.

    Habermas (1981), p. 522 sums up legalisation as “colonisation of the living world”. Voigt (2000), p. 180 f., using the example of scientific freedom.

  128. 128.

    Münch (1998), p. 408. Critical of this is Wolf (2000), p. 205 f.

  129. 129.

    See Beck (1997), p. 85, re. globalisation. However, this can also be applied to digitalisation.

  130. 130.

    The neologism glocalisation is used for this in the globalisation debate. See Beck (1997), p. 88 ff.

  131. 131.

    For a euphoric account, see Münch (1998), p. 408. For a sceptical approach, see Wolf (2000), p. 205 f., Schmidt (2000), p. 371 f., and Streeck (1998), p. 27 f., who elaborates the problems of subnational political and social units. They reach the limits of their capabilities in the integration of outsiders and in social solidarity between prosperous and poorer regions. For a basic account of the strengths and weaknesses of direct democracy, see Jung (2005), p. 312 ff. with further citations.

  132. 132.

    For a basic account of direct democracy, see Decker (2005), p. 1112 ff. with further citations.

  133. 133.

    On direct democracy at the municipal level, see Schmidt (2000), p. 356 ff. with further citations. Details can be found in the articles in Kost (2005), which describe in detail the possibilities of direct democracy at the municipal level in all German Länder (federal states).

  134. 134.

    For details of direct democracy in the German federal states, see Weixner (2006), p. 18 ff.; Weixner (2002), p. 73 ff. with further citations. The articles in Kost (2005) analyse in detail the possibilities of direct democracy in the German federal states’ individual constitutions.

  135. 135.

    Decker (2005), p. 1108, rightly speaks of a “triumphant march of direct democracy in federal states and municipalities”. For details on the reasons for this, see Decker (2005), p. 1109 f. with further citations and Schmidt (2000), p. 361 ff.

  136. 136.

    Bogumil and Holtkamp (2004), who speak of cooperative democracy in this context, and Kost (2006), p. 26. Weixner (2006), p. 22 f., provides a statistical overview of the popular initiatives and petitions for a referendum that will be launched by the end of 2004.

  137. 137.

    For details, see Bogumil and Holtkamp (2004), p. 151 ff. with further citations.

  138. 138.

    For details, see Held et al. (1999), p. 74 ff. with further citations.

  139. 139.

    For details, see Oppermann (2005), p. 70 with further citations.

  140. 140.

    Kranenpohl (2006), p. 37.

  141. 141.

    The results of a study on the cross-border public in the Southern Palatinate and Northern Alsace are instructive: despite the geographical proximity to the border, the interest of the population in the EU is not stronger than the German average. The mass media therefore seem to be more important than geographical aspects for the development of European communication strands. For details, see Tenscher and Schmidt (2004), p. 212 ff.

  142. 142.

    Similarly, Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 57, with further citations; Dreier (1998), marginal no. 72, with further citations.

  143. 143.

    Similarly BVerfGE 7, 198, 208; 69, 315, 354 f.; 89, 155, 185.

  144. 144.

    See Ismayr (2001), p. 41 ff., 312 ff. with further citations, for details on the communication function of parliament. The communications of the Bundestag (German lower chamber) is not uncontroversial. For a detailed critique of the articulation and communication skills of the Bundestag, see von Beyme (2004), p. 264 ff. with further citations.

  145. 145.

    Similarly, Fuchs (2004), p. 35, with further citations; Barber (2004), p. 173: “At the heart of strong democracy is talk.” Similarly, Hofmann and Treier (1989), marginal no. 57; Dreier (1998), marginal no. 72 f. with further citations.

  146. 146.

    Fuchs (2004), p. 34 ff. with further citations, provides an overview of the different models of participatory democracy. Habermas (1992), p. 351 f., goes a long way down this road, understanding democracy as an institutionalised discursive process of forming citizens’ opinions and wills. For a critique of these models of democracy, see Papadopoulos (2004), p. 223, with further citations.

  147. 147.

    Fuchs (2004), p. 22 f.

  148. 148.

    Bohman (2002), p. 77.

  149. 149.

    BVerfGE 87, 399, 409; 93, 266, 292.

  150. 150.

    On the communicative democratic function of the political parties, see Morlok (1998), marginal no. 21 ff. with further citations and von Beyme (2004), p. 174 ff. with further citations.

  151. 151.

    Similarly, using the example of the European Union, Schmalz-Bruns (2002), p. 285, with further citations. For general information on deliberative forms of democracy and their problems, see Wolf (2000), p. 196 ff. with further citations.

  152. 152.

    On the public in the digital age, see above. Sect. 6.3.2.

  153. 153.

    Schmalz-Bruns (2002), p. 278 with further citations speaks of “deliberative inequalities”.

  154. 154.

    For details about the organisation of human interaction, see Watzlawick et al. (2000), p. 114 ff. with further citations.

  155. 155.

    For details on the resulting characteristics and disorders of communication from a psychological point of view, see Watzlawick et al. (2000), p. 50 ff. with further citations.

  156. 156.

    On the significance and typology of actors from a political-theoretical perspective, see Scharpf (2000), p. 95 ff. with further citations.

  157. 157.

    Kohler-Koch (2000), p. 208. Similarly, Krasner (1988), p. 89 f.

  158. 158.

    For details on this term and the concept behind it, see Held (1995), p. 267 ff.

  159. 159.

    For details, see Slaughter (2004), p. 107 ff. with further citations.

  160. 160.

    For a differentiated account on the impact of the parliamentary networks, see Slaughter (2004), p. 127 ff. with further citations.

  161. 161.

    Picciotto (1996), p. 1047, also argues along these lines.

  162. 162.

    Picciotto (1996), p. 1047 f. with further citations; Nye (2001), p. 5. BVerfGE 89, 155, 185 also stresses the fundamental importance of transparency for democracy.

  163. 163.

    Above all, Slaughter (2001), p. 365 with further citations; Slaughter (2004), p. 135 ff. with further citations.

  164. 164.

    The term was coined by Almond and Verba (1963), p. 13.

  165. 165.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 165.

  166. 166.

    Pickel and Pickel (2006), p. 76 with further citations. For an earlier basic account, see Almond and Verba (1963), p. 31.

  167. 167.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 166.

  168. 168.

    Pickel and Pickel (2006), p. 74; by von Beyme (1996), p. 62.

  169. 169.

    For details of the political culture of democracy, see Gabriel (2008), p. 184 ff. with further citations.

  170. 170.

    Pickel and Pickel (2006), p. 274, in this context who speak of “political legitimacy of political systems”.

  171. 171.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 169.

  172. 172.

    Bergem (2004), p. 40 f. points to the roots of German statism in the Thirty Years War.

  173. 173.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 171.

  174. 174.

    Bergem (2004), p. 41.

  175. 175.

    Krell et al. (2012), p. 15. For detailed information, see Wiesendahl (2012), p. 135 ff. with further citations.

  176. 176.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 172.

  177. 177.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 173.

  178. 178.

    Rudzio (2015), p. 525; Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 173.

  179. 179.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 192.

  180. 180.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 184.

  181. 181.

    Rudzio (2015), p. 514. However, there are clear differences between West and East Germany. See Fuchs and Roller (2004), p. 31 ff.

  182. 182.

    For details, see Gabriel (2008), p. 194 ff. For a highly critical and pessimistic view, see Patzelt (2004), p. 101 ff. with further citations.

  183. 183.

    See Embacher (2012), p. 71, 86 ff. for an overview of current empirical studies. Fuchs and Roller (2004), p. 35.

  184. 184.

    Embacher (2012), p. 79 ff. with further citations.

  185. 185.

    Sontheimer et al. (2007), p. 174.

  186. 186.

    Gabriel (2008), p. 195.

  187. 187.

    Rudzio (2015), p. 516 f. with further citations.

  188. 188.

    Rudzio (2015), p. 515 with further citations.

  189. 189.

    See also the empirical material in Rudzio (2015), p. 516 f. with further citations.

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Boehme-Neßler, V. (2020). Complexity Management: Reinventing Democracy. In: Digitising Democracy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34556-3_6

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