Abstract
In this paper, we use the domain of object experiencer verbs in Greek to discuss the behavior of non-agentive causative construals of this verb class with clear implications for the syntax of causative predicates in general. We argue that eventive causative object experiencer verbs are best analyzed as instances of transitive internally caused change of state verbs. We then explore the consequences of this analysis for a group of verbs that have been labeled in the literature defeasible causative verbs. We substantiate the proposal that the layer introducing agents as external arguments is distinct from the layer introducing causers as external arguments. As a result, causers are conceived of as being part of the same event structural component that contains the resultant state, while agents are separated from it, being introduced in VoiceP.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Rappaport Hovav (this volume) argues that the blossom class actually involves verbs of emission, i.e. there is no change of state involved. Alexiadou (2014) offers an analysis of these verbs as verbs of appearance, i.e. change of location verbs.
- 3.
Greek has both clitic-doubling and CLLD. The two structures have been argued to differ from one another on the basis of several criteria, see Anagnostopoulou (1994) for discussion. We will discuss clitic doubling in detail in (23).
- 4.
AAS argue in detail that me PPs in Greek only receive a causative interpretation with anticausatives, they have a manner interpretation in other environments. Next to me, Greek uses the prepositions apo ‘from’. As these authors detail, apo either introduces agents or causers, the former construal emerges when it combines with ‘an animate DP, while the latter when it combines with an inanimate DP. Levin (2009) calls me-PPs ‘facilitating causers’, and for this reason they are strongly preferred over ‘apo-PPs’ with internally caused anticausatives.
- 5.
An anonymous reviewer asks whether a transitive ICCOS can be found with an animate theme argument, and if so if it displays the subject properties identified for the object experiencer. The anonymous reviewer suggests wither as a potential candidate for such a construal. Indeed, such examples exist, (i), and the theme argument is interpreted as an experiencer, the experiencer is clitic-doubled:
(i)
Ta provlimata tin marazosan ti Maria
the problems cl withered-3PL the Maria-acc
‘Problems depressed Mary.’
In turn this means that it behaves on a par with other EO predicates, as expected. Other verb classes that can be coerced into experiencer readings are discussed in Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2019).
- 6.
As an anonymous reviewer points out, this is exactly as with ICCOS verbs where the theme has a double role, whereas in externally caused change of state verbs it is the true theme.
- 7.
A question that arises is whether clitic doubling effects are found also with ICCOS verbs. Alexiadou (2014) points out that indeed in most examples involving transitive ICCOS verbs a clitic is present and refers to work by Roussou & Tsimpli (2007), who establish a parallelism between this class of predicates and EO verbs that take causer subjects. Roussou & Tsimpli (2007) analyze the clitic as a sign that a causative structure is present, which is in line with the analysis offered here.
- 8.
We mentioned in Sect. 9.3 that Greek like other languages also has a Class 3 EO verbs (piacere verbs) whose experiencers bear dative case morphology. We did not discuss them in this paper as these are stative predicates. We assume that dative experiencers are introduced via applicative heads and receive dependent dative case in opposition to a lower argument, like all applicative arguments in Greek (Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali 2018). We further assume that these lack a v layer introducing event implications and offer the applicative structure in (i) from Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali (2018):
The two different structures proposed for the two EO classes enable us to explain why in the one case the experiencer surfaces with accusative, while it surfaces with dative in (i). In (25) the experiencer is assigned dependent accusative in opposition to the higher argument. On the other hand, in (i) the experiencer is introduced by vAPPL. Following Anagnostopoulou & Sevdali (2018) we assume that dative (morphologically genitive) in Greek is dependent case ‘upwards’ assigned in opposition to a lower argument in the vAPPL domain, in accordance with the rule in (ii):
-
Dependent genitive case rule:
-
(ii)
If DP1 c-commands DP2 in vAPPLP, then assign U (genitive) to DP1
Nevertheless, in both structures the experiencer and the theme arguments are in the same syntactic domain and as a result behave as multiple subject constructions.
-
- 9.
We are grateful to an anonymous reviewer for discussion on this section. The reviewer further points out that in English The book/Her teacher angered/bored Anna, are equally non-defeasible with the agent or the causer external argument. We believe this can be explained by assuming, as we did in Sect. 9.1, that unintentional agents are actually causer arguments.
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Acknowledgements
We are grateful to three anonymous reviewers and the editors of this volume for their comments. Special thanks to Fabienne Martin and Malka Rappaport Hovav. AL 554/8-1 (Alexiadou) is hereby acknowledged.
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Alexiadou, A., Anagnostopoulou, E. (2020). Experiencers and Causation. In: Bar-Asher Siegal, E., Boneh, N. (eds) Perspectives on Causation. Jerusalem Studies in Philosophy and History of Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34308-8_9
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