Globally, the prevalence of mental illness is on the rise. For example, the World Health Organization predicts that in 2020, depression will be the second most common disease contributing to disability adjusted life years, a measure of overall disease burden (World Health Organization 2001). Although effective evidence-based treatments exist for mental health problems (Gloaguen et al. 1998; Joffe et al. 1996), few people with psychiatric disorders actually seek mental health care (Alonso et al. 2004; Andersson et al. 2013; Bebbington et al. 2000; Forsell 2006; Hämäläinen et al. 2009; Kessler et al. 1994; Svensson et al. 2009).
Help-seeking can be defined as a process of actively seeking and using social relations, formal or informal, to receive help with personal problems. It involves both personal and interpersonal domains and the interaction between them (Rickwood et al. 2005). Different models have been developed to understand help-seeking behavior in general (Ajzen 1991; Andersen 1995) and for mental illness in particular (Biddle et al. 2007; Gulliver et al. 2012; Rickwood et al. 2005). Biddle and colleagues (Biddle et al. 2007) developed a dynamic model, the cycle of avoidance (COA), in order to understand reluctance to seek help for mental distress. In their qualitative interviews, they found that people were likely to wait to seek help until their symptoms were serious, compared to mental health clinicians who believed people should seek help earlier (before symptoms became unmanageable). Illness behavior was a long and circular process where individuals tried to negotiate and re-negotiate the worsening symptoms in order to understand and accept whether the illness was “normal” distress or “real” distress. Actually seeking help was avoided the longest. In short, participants struggled to successfully execute behavior that would promote wellness (i.e., treatment seeking).
A related model proposed by Rickwood et al. (2005) argues that help-seeking is a complex process that includes four crucial steps: awareness (and appraisal of the problem), expression (of symptoms and need for support), availability (of sources of help), and willingness (to seek out and disclose to sources). This work has revealed a number of factors that prevented seeking help, including a lack of emotional competence, help-negation (i.e., refusal to accept/access help that is available), and negative attitudes and beliefs about professional help. Factors that promoted help-seeking were supportive relationships, emotional competence, mental health literacy, positive experiences of previous care, and sense of mastery (Rickwood et al. 2005). Other epidemiological research has revealed reasons for not seeking care to be a belief that the problem will get better by itself (Meltzer et al. 2003), a desire to cope alone (Issakidis and Andrews 2002), feelings of shame (Forsell 2006), stigma (Link et al. 2001), and lack of social support (Forsell 2006). Together this work suggests that cognitive factors, such as understanding and appraisal of symptoms, are highly relevant to treatment-seeking, yet it is poorly understood how these factors undermine treatment seeking. Given the prevalence of mental illness coupled with the need to treat sufferers expeditiously, a better understanding of the cognitive and attitudinal dynamics of mental health help-seeking behavior is warranted in order to inform efforts to overcome barriers to care. This is particularly true given that the chance for recovery and increased well-being is increased with early detection and timely treatment.
Self-efficacy is an under-researched factor that may impact professional help-seeking behavior. Self-efficacy refers to people’s beliefs about their competence and abilities to activate personal resources that can help them exercise control over life events (Bandura 1997). Importantly, research on self-efficacy has demonstrated that people are more likely to engage in certain behaviors if they believe their efforts will be successful (Bandura 1997, 2006). Although there has been little work exploring the relationship between self-efficacy and treatment-seeking, Jackson et al. (2007) found evidence that one’s sense of self-efficacy may be a meaningful factor in promoting a healthy lifestyle in general. Further, increased perceived stigma about mental illness is associated with low self-efficacy (Kleim et al. 2008). As previously discussed, Rickwood et al. (2005) and Biddle et al.’s (2007) work suggests that help-seeking behavior is strongly influenced by cognitive appraisal. Negative appraisal of one’s ability to successfully access treatment and improve mental health symptoms (i.e., low self-efficacy for mental health treatment) may undermine appropriate treatment seeking. These preliminary findings suggest that self-efficacy—an individual characteristic amenable to change—is worthy of further investigation to better understand its role in help-seeking behavior for mental illness.
Self-efficacy beliefs impact a variety of domains relevant to help-seeking: emotional, cognitive, motivational, and behavioral outcomes (Bandura 1994). Specifically, help-seeking requires the emotional skills to acknowledge the problem and belief in the value of getting help, the cognitive capacity to know where and how to get help, and ultimately the motivation to engage in the appropriate behaviors to access care. Among other things, the value of being able to measure self-efficacy to seek mental health care is the potential it provides to identify individuals and communities that may particularly benefit from targeted public health campaigns and interventions. These may include knowledge-focused and confidence-enhancing trainings aimed at promoting appropriate help-seeking. Such programs are likely to be particularly impactful in regions and communities where there is a clear disconnect between the presence of psychiatric symptoms and access to psychiatric care.
One such area is the continent of Africa, particularly South Africa, where mental health care has historically been a relatively low priority behind other pressing public health burdens: HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, high maternal and child mortality rate, non-communicable diseases, and violence, injury, and trauma (Motsoaledi 2013). In fact, “education of the public” in Africa has been noted as one of the important priority areas for mental health policy development (Gureje and Alem 2000). To this end, the Grand Challenges in Global Mental Health Initiative has recently highlighted the importance of understanding disparities in treatments and outcomes for mental health issues in low income countries (Collins et al. 2011). Previous research in South Africa suggests that as much as 30% of the population suffers from a mental illness in their lifetime (Herman et al. 2009), but most never access treatment (Andersson et al. 2013; Seedat et al. 2008, 2009). Initial work addressing this discrepancy has indicated that low treatment utilization in South Africa may be explained in large part by attitudinal barriers associated with self-efficacy (e.g., stigma, appraisal of one’s ability to access treatment, assessment of one’s capacity to effectively communicate about the illness) (Andersson et al. 2013; Bruwer et al. 2001). Again, despite its relevance to such attitudinal and cognitive barriers, the role of self-efficacy has received limited attention in characterizing barriers to mental health help-seeking.
The goal of the current study is to develop and validate a scale measuring self-efficacy for mental health care, the self-efficacy to seek mental health care scale (SE-SMHC). This study is part of a larger investigation of barriers to care among persons with mental illness in primarily poor areas in South Africa (Andersson et al. 2013). Using a subset of the data from the larger study, the psychometric properties of this nine-item measure were preliminarily evaluated through principal component analysis, reliability analyses, and known-groups validity. In terms of the latter, differences on the SE-SMHC between participants who did (versus did not) seek help in the past when they were emotionally distressed were explored given that such treatment seeking required that the individual demonstrated the competence to take control of one’s own mental health care (i.e., provides evidence for self-efficacy in this domain). Therefore, it was hypothesized that individuals with a history of help-seeking would have higher scores on the SE-SMHC than those who did not (higher scores indicate increased self-efficacy). In addition, given that one would expect individuals who reported that they would advise another (emotionally troubled) person to seek mental health care would have a stronger sense of competence about their ability to provide mental health advice (and understanding of how to initiate such help-seeking behavior) compared to individuals who would not provide such advice, these group differences were also explored. It was hypothesized that individuals who indicated that they would advise someone in distress to access mental health treatment would have higher SE-SMHC scores than those who would not provide such advice. Given that self-efficacy beliefs are likely to influence behavioral outcomes, these hypotheses are intended to demonstrate known-groups validity. As such, this study represents an initial step in characterizing a potentially important component of the well-documented attitudinal barriers to appropriate mental health help-seeking in a large population of young adults in South Africa. Given that self-efficacy is both amenable to change and likely integral to the help-seeking process, and no measure of the construct could be identified, the current study is designed to introduce and validate the SE-SMHC to fill this gap in the literature.