Skip to main content
Log in

Does political ideology affect a government’s credit rating? The evidence on parties’ socio-cultural positions in European countries

  • Original Article
  • Published:
Comparative European Politics Aims and scope

Abstract

Does the political ideology of governments influence credit ratings? Previous studies report that the economic left–right dimension has an impact on credit ratings. However, recent literature shows that there are no significant differences between right-wing and left-wing debt-related policies. In addition, current political developments, such as the rise of populist movements, indicate that the economic left–right dimension may not be sufficient to describe how political ideology affects governments’ actions and thereby credit ratings. Therefore, this paper suggests that the socio-cultural dimension of political ideology or the GAL-TAN (Green–Alternative–Liberal vs. Traditionalist–Authoritarian–Nationalist) also impacts a country’s rating. In particular, the study proposes that TAN-leaning governments are perceived as a risk factor for debt repayment because they are less likely to adhere to rule of law and are reluctant to cooperate with international organizations and other domestic political parties. They also prefer protectionist policies for cultural reasons. Using data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 24 European countries between 1999 and 2019, the results show that governments with TAN-leaning major parties are associated with lower sovereign credit ratings. This study contributes toward a closer understanding of what role day-to-day politics and governments’ political ideology have for the assignment of credit ratings.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Fig. 1
Fig. 2

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. This dimension of political ideology has received several different terms in the literature like cultural, new politics libertarian–authoritarian or green–alternative–liberal versus traditionalist–authoritarian–nationalist (GAL-TAN).

  2. The impact of political ideology can vary between different aspects of the financial market. For instance, there are mixed effects of left-wing governments on stock prices (Leblang and Mukherjee 2005; Bernhard and Leblang 2006; Frot and Santiso 2013). While Pinto et al. (2010) find that left-wing governments are more likely to be associated with higher stock market capitalization than right-wing counterparts, Sattler (2013) shows that in countries with a low level of institutional constraints, left-wing party electoral victory can lead to a decline in stock prices. According to Bernhard and Leblang (2006), party change after elections has a weak effect on financial asset prices because it does not provide new information to market actors.

  3. Although there has been an increasing presence of TAN-leaning parties on the political landscape since the most recent global financial crisis (2007–2008), this is not a new phenomenon. A similar pattern between the lack of predictable institutions and negative credit actions was present long before the recent financial crisis. For instance, in March 1998, a major CRA changed the outlook of Slovak ratings to negative when the populist government led by Vladimir Meciar was expected to win its third term (Mannin 1999). Despite the victory, the coalition of opposition parties managed to create a government. As a consequence of these events, CRAs changed the outlook from negative to stable in December of the same year (Pahre 2006).

  4. On the other hand, one could expect that some TAN-leaning governments that are inclined to implement economic policies favored by the market (Paudyn 2014) can compensate for their socio-cultural agenda. However, the impact of the interaction between socio-cultural and economic dimensions of political ideology on credit ratings is statistically negligible, which may indicate that being on economic right does not necessarily on average make TAN-leaning governments more attractive in the eyes of CRAs.

  5. The two biggest CRAs: Moody’s and Standard and Poor’s, together control almost 83% of the credit-rating market (Source: The US Securities and Exchange Commission, http://www.sec.gov/news/studies/2012/nrsro-summary-report-2012.pdf; 03 November 2020).

  6. However, for the purpose of comparison, Table 10 in “Appendix” presents results for panel data ordered logit regression. The relationship between GAL-TAN and credit ratings remains statistically significant and in the expected direction.

  7. One way to assess the reliability of surveys is to look at standard deviations among experts. In the context of the CHES, some studies provide this test (Marks et al. 2007; Hooghe et al. 2010; Bakker et al. 2015) and find that there are small standard deviations for countries across parties. However, there is a stronger disagreement regarding parties that receive a smaller share of votes. This problem is less of a concern for this study as it deals with major parties in government.

References

  • Afonso, A., P. Gomes, and P. Rother. 2011. Short- and Long-Run Determinants of Sovereign Debt Credit Ratings. International Journal of Finance & Economics 16(1): 1–15.

    Google Scholar 

  • Andreasen, E., and P. Valenzuela. 2016. Financial Openness, Domestic Financial Development and Credit Ratings. Finance Research Letters 16: 11–18.

    Google Scholar 

  • Archer, C.C., G. Biglaiser, and K. DeRouen. 2007. Sovereign Bonds and the “Democratic Advantage”: Does Regime Type Affect Credit Rating Agency Ratings in the Developing World? International Organization 61(2): 341–365.

    Google Scholar 

  • Armingeon, K., F. Wenger, C. Wiedemeier, L. Isler, L. Knöpfel, D. Weisstanner, and S. Engler. 2018. Comparative Political Data Set 1960–2016. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bäck, H., and J. Lindvall. 2015. Commitment Problems in Coalitions: A New Look at the Fiscal Policies of Multiparty Governments. Political Science Research and Methods 3(1): 53–72.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bagwell, S., and S.L. Hall. 2020. Publicity and Perceptions of Risk: The Effects of HRO Naming and Shaming on Sovereign Credit Rating. Journal of Human Rights 19(3): 379–391.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bakker, R., C. de Vries, E. Edwards, L. Hooghe, S. Jolly, G. Marks, J. Polk, J. Rovny, M. Steenbergen, and M.A. Vachudova. 2015. Measuring Party Positions in Europe: The Chapel Hill Expert Survey Trend File, 1999–2010. Party Politics 21(1): 143–152.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bakker, R., L. Hooghe, S. Jolly, G. Marks, J. Polk, J. Rovny, M. Steenbergen, and M.A. Vachudova. 2020. 2019 Chapel Hill Expert Survey. Version 2019.1. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina. Available on chesdata.eu.

  • Barnes, L., and T. Hicks. 2018. Making Austerity Popular: The Media and Mass Attitudes Toward Fiscal Policy. American Journal of Political Science 62(2): 340–354.

    Google Scholar 

  • Barta, Z., and A. Johnston. 2018. Rating Politics? Partisan Discrimination in Credit Ratings in Developed Economies. Comparative Political Studies 51(5): 587–620. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710263

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Beaulieu, E., G.W. Cox, and S. Saiegh. 2012. Sovereign Debt and Regime Type: Reconsidering the Democratic Advantage. International Organization 66(4): 709–738.

    Google Scholar 

  • Beck, N., and J.N. Katz. 1995. What to do (and not to do) with Time-Series Cross-Section Data. The American Political Science Review 89(3): 634–647.

    Google Scholar 

  • Beers, D. T., and M. Cavanaugh. 1998. Sovereign Credit Ratings: A Primer. Standard & Poor’s.

  • Beers, T., and M. Cavanaugh. 2008. Sovereigns: Sovereign Credit Ratings: A Primer. Standard and Poor’s (the report published 29 May, 2008). https://www.standardandpoors.com/en_EU/web/guest/article/-/view/type/HTML/id/876291.

  • Biglaiser, G., B. Hicks, and C. Huggins. 2008. Sovereign Bond Ratings and the Democratic Advantage: Portfolio Investment in the Developing World. Comparative Political Studies 41(8): 1092–1116.

    Google Scholar 

  • Biglaiser, G., and J.L. Staats. 2012. Finding the “Democratic Advantage” in Sovereign Bond Ratings: The Importance of Strong Courts, Property Rights Protection, and the Rule of Law. International Organization 66(3): 515–535.

    Google Scholar 

  • Block, S.A., and P.M. Vaaler. 2004. The Price of Democracy: Sovereign Risk Ratings, Bond Spreads and Political Business Cycles in Developing Countries. Journal of International Money and Finance 23(6): 917–946.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bodea, C., and R. Hicks. 2015. Price Stability and Central Bank Independence: Discipline, Credibility, and Democratic Institutions. International Organization 69(1): 35–61.

    Google Scholar 

  • Breen, M., and I. McMenamin. 2013. Political Institutions, Credible Commitment, and Sovereign Debt in Advanced Economies. International Studies Quarterly 57(4): 842–854.

    Google Scholar 

  • Brigevich, A., W.B. Smith, and R. Bakker. 2017. Unpacking the Social (GAL/TAN) Dimension of Party Politics: Euroscepticism and Party Positioning on Europe’s “Other”. Paper presented at the European Union Studies Association; May 4–6, Miami, FL.

  • Brooks, S.M., R. Cunha, and L. Mosley. 2015. Categories, Creditworthiness, and Contagion: How Investors’Shortcuts Affect Sovereign Debt Markets. International Studies Quarterly 59(3): 587–601.

    Google Scholar 

  • Brooks, S. M., Cunha, R. and Mosley, L. 2018. Elections, Ideology and Experience? Sovereign Bond Investors and Government Change. Working Paper. Available online at: https://www.peio.me/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/PEIO12_paper_71-1.pdf.

  • Bruner, C.M., and R. Abdelal. 2005. To Judge Leviathan: Sovereign Credit Ratings, National Law, and the World Economy. Journal of Public Policy 25(2): 191–217.

    Google Scholar 

  • Campello, D. 2014. The Politics of Market Discipline in Latin America: Globalization and Democracy. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Caouette, J.B., E.I. Altman, P. Narayanan, and R. Nimmo. 2008. Managing Credit Risk: The Great Challenge for the Global Financial Markets. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.

    Google Scholar 

  • Castro, V., and R. Martins. 2019. Political and Institutional Determinants of Credit Booms. Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 81(5): 1144–1178.

    Google Scholar 

  • Cavallo, E., A. Powell, and R. Rigobon. 2013. Do Credit Rating Agencies Add Value? Evidence from the Sovereign Rating Business Institutions. International Journal of Finance & Economics 18(3): 240–265.

    Google Scholar 

  • Curtis, K.A., J. Jupille, and D. Leblang. 2014. Iceland on the Rocks: The Mass Political Economy of Sovereign Debt Resettlement. International Organization 68(3): 721–740.

    Google Scholar 

  • Drukker, D.M. 2003. Testing for Serial Correlation in Linear Panel-Data Models. The Stata Journal: Promoting Communications on Statistics and Stata 3(2): 168–177.

    Google Scholar 

  • Dyson, K.H.F. 2014. States, Debt, and Power: ‘Saints’ and ‘Sinners’ in European History and Integration, 5th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Easterly, W. 2002. How Did Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Become Heavily Indebted? Reviewing Two Decades of Debt Relief. World Development 30(10): 1677–1696.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ferri, G., L.-G. Liu, and J.E. Stiglitz. 1999. The Procyclical Role of Rating Agencies: Evidence from the East Asian Crisis. Economic Notes 28(3): 335–355. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0300.00016.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Fowler, J.H. 2006. Elections and Markets: The Effect of Partisanship, Policy Risk, and Electoral Margins on the Economy. Journal of Politics 68(1): 89–103.

    Google Scholar 

  • Frot, E., and J. Santiso. 2013. Political Uncertainty and Portfolio Managers in Emerging Economies. Review of International Political Economy 20(1): 26–51.

    Google Scholar 

  • Glaurdić, J., C. Lesschaeve, and M. Vizek. 2020. Consolidated Democracy Advantage: Political Instability and Sovereign Spreads in the EU. Comparative European Politics 18(3): 437–459.

    Google Scholar 

  • Goettig, M.(2016) S&P Shocks Poland with Credit Rating Downgrade. Reuters, online publication 15 January. https://www.reuters.com/article/poland-ratings-sp-idUSL3N14Z532.

  • Gould, W. 1995. Jackknife Estimation. Stata Technical Bulletin 24: 25–29.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gray, J. 2009. International Organization as a Seal of Approval: European Union Accession and Investor Risk. American Journal of Political Science 53(4): 931–949.

    Google Scholar 

  • Gray, J., and R.P. Hicks. 2014. Reputations, Perceptions, and International Economic Agreements. International Interactions 40(3): 325–349.

    Google Scholar 

  • Helénsdotter, R. 2019. Experimental Evidence on Cooperation, Political Affiliation, and Group Size. Working Paper in Economics. University of Gothenburg: Department of Economics, 765.

  • Hernández, E., and H. Kriesi. 2016. The Electoral Consequences of the Financial and Economic Crisis in Europe. European Journal of Political Research 55(2): 203–224.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hooghe, L., R. Bakker, A. Brigevich, C. De Vries, E. Edwards, G. Marks, J. Rovny, M. Steenbergen, and M. Vachudova. 2010. Reliability and Validity of the 2002 and 2006 Chapel Hill Expert Surveys on Party Positioning: The Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. European Journal of Political Research 49(5): 687–703.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hooghe, L., and G. Marks. 2018. Cleavage Theory Meets Europe’s Crises: Lipset, Rokkan, and the Transnational Cleavage. Journal of European Public Policy: SI: Theory Meets Crisis 25(1): 109–135.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hübscher, E. 2016. The Politics of Fiscal Consolidation Revisited. Journal of Public Policy 36(4): 573–601.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jensen, N. 2008. Political Risk, Democratic Institutions, and Foreign Direct Investment. The Journal of Politics 70(4): 1040–1052.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jones, G., and V. Za. 2018. As Italy Struggles to Form a Government, Moody’s Threatens Downgrade. Reuters, online publication 25 May. https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKCN1IQ249.

  • Kelly, B., Ľ Pástor, and P. Veronesi. 2016. The Price of Political Uncertainty: Theory and Evidence from the Option Market. The Journal of Finance 71(5): 2417–2480.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kerwer, D. 2005. Holding Global Regulators Accountable: The Case of Credit Rating Agencies. Governance 18(3): 453–475.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kitschelt, H. 1994. The Transformation of European Social Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kitschelt, H., and A.J. McGann. 1995. The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis, 1st ed. Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kohlscheen, E. 2010. Emerging Floaters: Pass-Throughs and (Some) New Commodity Currencies. Journal of International Money and Finance 29(8): 1580–1595.

    Google Scholar 

  • König, T., M. Marbach, and M. Osnabrügge. 2013. Estimating Party Positions Across Countries and Time—A Dynamic Latent Variable Model for Manifesto Data. Political Analysis 21(4): 468–491.

    Google Scholar 

  • Kraemer, M. 2016. Sovereign Ratings 2017: A Spotlight on Rising Political Risks. Standard and Poor’s. https://www.spglobal.com/en/research-insights/articles/sovereign-ratings-2017-a-spotlight-on-rising-political-risks.

  • Kriesi, H., E. Grande, R. Lachat, M. Dolezal, S. Bornschier, and T. Frey. 2006. Globalization and the Transformation of the National Political Space: Six European Countries Compared. European Journal of Political Research 45(6): 921–956.

    Google Scholar 

  • Leblang, D., and W. Bernhard. 2006. Parliamentary Politics and Foreign Exchange Markets: The World According to GARCH. International Studies Quarterly 50(1): 69–92.

    Google Scholar 

  • Leblang, D., and B. Mukherjee. 2005. Government Partisanship, Elections, and the Stock Market: Examining American and British Stock Returns, 1930–2000. American Journal of Political Science 49(4): 780–802.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mair, P. 2009. Representative Versus Responsible Government. Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne, 2009/08.

  • Manasse, P., and N. Roubini. 2009. “Rules of Thumb” for Sovereign Debt Crises. Journal of International Economics 78(2): 192–205.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mannin, M., ed. 1999. Pushing Back the Boundaries: The European Union and Central and Eastern Europe. Manchester: Manchester Univ. Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • March, L. 2007. From Vanguard of the Proletariat to Vox Populi: Left-Populism as a ‘Shadow’ of Contemporary Socialism. SAIS Review of International Affairs 27(1): 63–77.

    Google Scholar 

  • Marks, G., L. Hooghe, M. Nelson, and E. Edwards. 2006. Party Competition and European Integration in the East and West: Different Structure Same Causality. Comparative Political Studies 39(2): 155–175.

    Google Scholar 

  • Marks, G., L. Hooghe, M.R. Steenbergen, and R. Bakker. 2007. Crossvalidating Data on Party Positioning on European Integration. Electoral Studies 26(1): 23–38.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mayda, A.M., and D. Rodrik. 2005. Why are Some People (and Countries) More Protectionist than Others? European Economic Review 49(6): 1393–1430.

    Google Scholar 

  • McGillivray, F., and A. Smith. 2008. Punishing the Prince: A Theory of Interstate Relations, Political Institutions, and Leader Change. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Meijers, M.J., and H. van der Veer. 2019. Issue Competition Without Electoral Incentives? A Study of Issue Emphasis in the European Parliament. The Journal of Politics 81(4): 1240–1253.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mennillo, G., and T.J. Sinclair. 2019. A Hard Nut to Crack: Regulatory Failure Shows How Rating Really Works. Competition & Change 23(3): 266–286.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mosley, L. 2003. Global Capital and National Governments. Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Mudde, C. 2013. Three Decades of Populist Radical Right Parties in Western Europe: So What? Three Decades of Populist Radical Right Parties in Western Europe. European Journal of Political Research 52(1): 1–19.

    Google Scholar 

  • Nelson, S.C. 2014. Playing Favorites: How Shared Beliefs Shape the IMF’s Lending Decisions. International Organization 68(2): 297–328.

    Google Scholar 

  • Netjes, C.E., and H.A. Binnema. 2007. The salience of the European integration issue: Three data sources compared. Electoral Studies 26(1): 39–49. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.04.007.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • North, D.C., and B.R. Weingast. 1989. Constitutions and Commitment: The Evolution of Institutional Governing Public Choice in Seventeenth-Century England. The Journal of Economic History 49(4): 803–832.

    Google Scholar 

  • Oesch, D., and L. Rennwald. 2018. Electoral Competition in Europe’s New Tripolar Political Space: Class Voting for the Left, Centre-Right and Radical Right. European Journal of Political Research 57(4): 783–807.

    Google Scholar 

  • Ostry, J. 2010. Capital Inflows: The Role of Controls. Washington: International Monetary Fund.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pástor, L., and P. Veronesi. 2012. Uncertainty about Government Policy and Stock Prices. The Journal of Finance 67: 1219–1264. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6261.2012.01746.x.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Pahre, R. 2006. Democratic Foreign Policy Making Problems of Divided Government and International Cooperation. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Google Scholar 

  • Paudyn, B. 2014. Credit Ratings and Sovereign Debt. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pickering, A.C., and J. Rockey. 2013. Ideology and the size of US state government. Public Choice 156(3/4): 443–465.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pinto, P., P. Gourevitch, and S. Weymouth. 2010. The politics of stock market development. Review of International Political Economy 17(2): 378–409. https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290903310424.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Polk, J., J. Rovny, R. Bakker, E. Edwards, L. Hooghe, S. Jolly, J. Koedam, F. Kostelka, G. Marks, G. Schumacher, M. Steenbergen, M. Vachudova, and M. Zilovic. 2017. Explaining the salience of anti-elitism and reducing political corruption for political parties in Europe with the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey data. Research & Politics 4(1): 205316801668691.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rodrik, D. 2000. Institutions for high-quality growth: What they are and how to acquire them. Studies in Comparative International Development 35(3): 3–31.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rooduijn, M. 2018. What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties. European Political Science Review 10(3): 351–368.

    Google Scholar 

  • Rose, A.K., and M.M. Spiegel. 2009. Noneconomic Engagement and International Exchange: The Case of Environmental Treaties. Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 41(2–3): 337–363.

    Google Scholar 

  • Saiegh, S.M. 2005. Do Countries Have a “Democratic Advantage”?: Political Institutions, Multilateral Agencies, and Sovereign Borrowing. Comparative Political Studies 38(4): 366–387.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sattler, T. 2013. Do Markets Punish Left Governments? The Journal of Politics 75(2): 343–356.

    Google Scholar 

  • Schultz, K.A., and B.R. Weingast. 2003. The Democratic Advantage: Institutional Foundations of Financial Power in International Competition. International Organization 57(1): 3–42.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sedelmeier, U. 2014. Anchoring Democracy from Above? The European Union and Democratic Backsliding in Hungary and Romania after Accession: Anchoring democracy from above? JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 52(1): 105–121.

    Google Scholar 

  • Shea, P.E., and J.A. Solis. 2018. Leaders, Tenure, and the Politics of Sovereign Credit. International Interactions 44(2): 294–320.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sifon-Arevalo, R., Gokhale, A. and H. Krishan. 2019. Sovereign Ratings History. Standard and Poor’s (the report published: 10 Oct, 2019). https://www.spglobal.com/ratings/en/research/articles/191010-sovereign-ratings-history-11179189.

  • Sigelman, L., and L. Zeng. 1999. Analyzing Censored and Sample-Selected Data with Tobit and Heckit Models. Political Analysis 8(2): 167–182.

    Google Scholar 

  • Simmons, B.A. 2000. International Law and State Behavior: Commitment and Compliance in International Monetary Affairs. The American Political Science Review 94(4): 819.

    Google Scholar 

  • Simpson, E. 2016. Era of „Left” and „Right" is Over. Foreign Policy, November 14. https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/11/14/the-two-hundred-year-era-of-left-and-right-is-over/.

  • Sinclair, T.J. 2008. The New Masters of Capital: American Bond Rating Agencies and the Politics of Creditworthiness. Cornell Studies in Political Economy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Paperbacks, 1. printing ed.

  • Tomz, M. 2007. Domestic Audience Costs in International Relations: An Experimental Approach. International Organization 61(4): 821–840.

    Google Scholar 

  • Tsebelis, G. 2002. Veto Players How Political Institutions Work. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

    Google Scholar 

  • Vaaler, P.M., B.N. Schrage, and S.A. Block. 2006. Elections, Opportunism, Partisanship and Sovereign Ratings in Developing Countries. Review of Development Economics 10(1): 154–170.

    Google Scholar 

  • Vachudova, A.M. 2020. Ethnopopulism and Democratic Backsliding in Central Europe. East European Politics 36(3): 318–340. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1787163.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Vachudova, M.A., and L. Hooghe. 2009. Postcommunist Politics in a Magnetic Field: How Transition and EU Accession Structure Party Competition on European Integration. Comparative European Politics 7(2): 179–212.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wolfe, R., and M. Mendelsohn. 2005. Values and Interests in Attitudes Toward Trade and Globalization: The Continuing Compromise of Embedded Liberalism. Canadian Journal of Political Science 38(1): 45–68.

    Google Scholar 

  • Wooldridge, J.M. 2002. Econometric Analysis of Cross Section and Panel Data. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Zielinski, J. 2002. Translating Social Cleavages into Party Systems: The Significance of New Democracies. World Politics 54(2): 184–211.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Monika Bauhr, Nicholas Charron, Michele Fenzl as well as the editors of Comparative European Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article.

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Maciej Sychowiec.

Additional information

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Appendix

Appendix

See Figs. 3, 4 and Tables 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12.

Fig. 3
figure 3

Distribution of credit ratings across the sample

Fig. 4
figure 4

Changes of GAL-TAN and credit ratings for individual countries over time

Table 2 Control variables
Table 3 Descriptive statistics
Table 4 Transformation of credit rating grades into a numeric scale
Table 5 Countries in the sample
Table 6 Results for the relationship between GAL-TAN and credit ratings for individual countries
Table 7 The probability of downgrade for new and re-elected TAN-leaning/GAL-leaning government
Table 8 Robustness checks for GAL-TAN beta coefficients
Table 9 Relationship between GAL-TAN and credit ratings (with lagged dependent variable, t 1)
Table 10 Relationship between GAL-TAN and credit ratings (ordered logit)
Table 11 Results for the relationship between GAL-TAN and credit ratings without individual countries (country jackknife)
Table 12 Interaction between GAL-TAN and different types of government

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Sychowiec, M. Does political ideology affect a government’s credit rating? The evidence on parties’ socio-cultural positions in European countries. Comp Eur Polit 19, 323–359 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00236-7

Download citation

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41295-021-00236-7

Keywords

Navigation