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‘Come on Tiger’: An exploration into the political and ecological challenges for tigers in premodern and modern-day Korea

  • Special Issue: Imagining the Palaeoanthropocene in East Asia
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Abstract

Throughout Korean history, the tiger has held importance, playing a variety of roles with diverse meanings depending on the period and context. I aim to showcase a range of images of the tiger in premodern culture that were foundational to establishing the tiger as the national symbol of Korea, a development that was catalysed in the colonial period when Japanese propagandists used the killing of tigers as a symbol of the invasion and colonization of Korea (1910–1945). I also argue that in response to Japanese colonization the tiger was increasingly promoted as a national symbol by modern intellectuals like Choe Namseon 崔南善 (1890–1957), a trend that has shaped contemporary understanding of the animal’s significance. In turn, this has prompted a reconsideration and consolidation of this eclectic collection of premodern tiger images into a more coherent conception, as one of the prime representations of Koreanness.

한국어 초록

호랑이는 한국 역사를 통틀어 시대와 맥락에 변화에 따라 다양한 의미와 역할을 수행해 온 중요한 존재로 인식되어왔다. 본고는 한국 전근대 문화에 나타난 호랑이를 주제로 한 여러 문화적/시각적 표상을 분석한다. 이런 맥락에서 본고는 특히 일제강점기(1910-1945)에 일본이 한국에서 진행한 호랑이 사냥이 일제의 한국 식민화를 홍보하는 상징으로 쓰인 것에 주목한다. 또한 이에 대한 반작용으로 동시기에 호랑이가 한국/한국인의 민족성을 구현하는 상징으로 떠오르게 된 것 역시 주목한다. 실제로 일제의 조선 식민지화에 대응하는 방법으로 최남선 崔南善(1890-1957)으로 대표되는 당대 조선 지식인들이 호랑이가 한국 정체성의 상징으로 자리잡게 추진한 것이 현재 한국 호랑이의 이미지 형성에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 상기한 과정을 통해 한국 전통 문화에서 드러난 호랑이의 이미지가 체계적으로 재정립되어서 호랑이가 한국인의 정체성을 상징하는 존재로 더 공고히 자리잡을 수 있었다.

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Notes

  1. For the Romanization of Korean, I use the Revised Romanization of Korean (RR). For the titles of articles or monographs including terms in McCune-Reishauer Romanization, I kept these intact. For Romanized Korean terms in the references I have cited, I have converted them into RR.

  2. Tigers in Korea were the same subspecies as the Amur or Siberian tigers.

  3. The state of Joseon existed as an independent entity until 109 BC; this redacted narrative (Iryeon’s version of the myth) must have been in existence at least by the middle of the second century BC, and the original narrative at least two hundred years before that (Grayson 2001, 40–42).

  4. Joseon wangjo sillok, Yeongjo sillok (Veritable records of King Yeongjo’s reign), year 10 (1734), month 9, day 31. https://sillok.history.go.kr/id/kua_11009030_004. The online version of the Sillok cited is an unpaginated database version of Joseon’s annalistic history; therefore, references are given to the date of the entry, for ease of identification hereafter.

  5. For example, in the eleventh year of King Taejong’s reign, the king mobilized 80,000 men in twenty days to plant as many pine trees as possible in the palace (Hong 2018, 105).

  6. In this context, as de Bary mentions, ‘The case of the Yi [Joseon] dynasty would seem to be a singular instance in which Neo-Confucians played a large role in the creation of a new regime…’ (de Bary and Haboush 1985, 36–7.)

  7. Seeley and Skabelund note, ‘By 1696 the numbers of tiger-hunting soldiers had grown to 11,000 in the northern province of Pyeong-an alone’ (2015, 482).

  8. Joseon wangjo sillok, Jeongjo sillok 正祖實錄 (Veritable records of King Jeongjo’s reign), year 3, month 11, day 3, entry 2.

  9. Joseon wangjo sillok, Jeongjo sillok, year 20, month 11, day 13, entry 1.

  10. Liji 禮記, Tangong xia 檀弓下. Cited from Yuan et al. 2017, 121.

  11. For example, when King Seonjo and his officers were discussing Kiyomasa, a Japanese commander, Ryu Seongryong, the Chief State Councilor, described his martial valor by mentioning, ‘Kiyomasa truly is a figure comparable to a tiger.’ Joseon wangjo sillok, Seonjo sillok, year 28 (1595), month 2, day 30.

  12. Regarding these tiger-shaped patches, L.H. Underwood wrote, ‘Korean noblemen when in attendance at the palace wear a dark blue coat… An embroidered breastplate is worn over the chest, representing a stork for civil office and a tiger for military rank’ (Underwood 1904, 22–23).

  13. Some scholars assert that the Mongol invasions of Goryeo Korea (1231–1257) brought even bigger human casualties than the Imjin War.

  14. The medicinal effect of tiger bones is mentioned in Bencao gangmu (Compendium of Materia Medica, 1578) and in Sanlim gyeongje 山林經濟 authored by Hong Manseon 洪萬選(1643-1715).

  15. Alice Roosevelt, the daughter of the American President Theodore Roosevelt, paid a visit to the royal tomb of the Korean ruler’s late wife in 1905 and abruptly rode a stone elephant there. Arguably, Tadasaburo believed killing tigers in Korea could damage Koreans’ national pride more than riding an elephant statue.

  16. Here, Tadasaburo, who represents Japanese imperialists, reveals their ambitions to ‘conquer’ not only Korea but also Russia.

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Acknowledgements

I sincerely thank the anonymous reviewers for their careful reading of the earlier version of this article and for their insightful comments and suggestions. I am also deeply grateful to the special issue editors, Evan Nicoll-Johnson and Benjamin Ridgway, who read the manuscript at various stages and provided many helpful suggestions. I also extend my gratitude to Shazia Jagot, a co-editor of postmedieval, who provided valuable editorial comments.

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Kwon, Hc. ‘Come on Tiger’: An exploration into the political and ecological challenges for tigers in premodern and modern-day Korea. Postmedieval 14, 773–796 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41280-023-00297-9

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