Abstract
The 1955 Afro-Asian Summit at Bandung is regarded as a pivot in the formation of Third Worldism and of coloured solidarity against Western colonialism and global white supremacy. But while this anti-imperialist spirit was no doubt present at Bandung, so were many other spirits, including those of Cold War realpolitik. We consider the different meanings of Bandung by examining the critical role Yugoslavia played in the rise of the Non-Aligned Movement in years that followed the summit. Drawing on primary historical documents, we show that Yugoslav leaders consistently failed to appreciate the racism of the international society and their own racialised privilege in it. They did appreciate, however, that performing solidarity with the decolonised and decolonising nations would bring major status rewards to Yugoslavia in the context of the East–West showdown. That self-consciously anti-imperialist and anti-colonial positions can be thickly enveloped in white ignorance suggests the need for more critical International Relations analyses of race, racism and racialised international hierarchies.
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Notes
Coined by Bandung delegates and known as bandunški duh to contemporary Yugoslav officials, the phrase had multiple meanings from the beginning, not all of which foregrounded or even implied decolonial or anti-racist politics (Bondžić and Selinić 2008, p. 77; also see, inter alia, Lee 2010; Parker 2011; Pasha 2013; Vitalis 2013; Mišković et al. 2014; Pham and Shilliam 2016).
The fact that it has outlived the Cold War would have humoured its putative founders. With 120 members, the NAM is today second in size only to the G-77, a grouping of nations that also emerged in the 1960 s in the context of Third World-ism, but which focuses on issues of global economic governance. Its last summit, held on 17 and 18 September 2016 in Venezuela, was an almost farcical affair attended by 35 heads of state, prompting many observers to once again dismiss the movement as a relic of a bygone era. An entity that never cared to develop a charter, secretariat or even a website, the NAM has always been more akin to a transnational or global identity rather than to an international organisation. See Willetts (1978) and Gupta (1992). This is important to keep in mind when evaluating its relevance, resilience, effectiveness, coherence, and legitimacy. Compare Vieira (2016) and Lüthi (2014).
This particular myth is reflected in, and reinforced by, the misuse of historical photographs. Countless authors mistakenly attach the caption ‘Bandung, 1955’ to the photographs of Tito, Nehru and Nasser from their 1956 meeting on the Yugoslav island of Brioni or those of Tito, Nehru, Nasser, Nkrumah and Indonesia’s Ahmed Sukarno, the Bandung Conference’s host, from their 1960 UN meeting in New York (Vitalis 2013, p. 266; also see Hozić 2016a).
The phrase ‘darker nations’ comes from Prashad (2008).
And in some accounts, they are wrongly presented as some sort of anti-racial supremacist non-alignment (Vitalis 2013, p. 266).
For example, Japan, formally an empire, was represented at Bandung, as were the leaders of several newly independent states experimenting with ‘modern’ minority population management projects. On the latter, see Abraham (2008).
The latest historical research on Bandung is now showcased on the blog ‘Afro-Asian Visions: New Perspectives on Decolonisation and the Cold War’ at https://medium.com/afro-asian-visions.
By this time, Stalin’s death had prompted Khrushchev and Tito to ‘normalise’ relations between the two countries in 1954; in 1958 Yugoslavia stopped receiving US military aid. Yugoslavia also considered and pursued other policy options for overcoming its post-1948 isolation. In 1953, for example, it signed a military alliance with Greece and Turkey, while also considering the pros and cons of adopting the policy of neutrality Finland-style (Kullaa 2012, Chap. 4; Bogetić 1990, 2006; Lees 1997).
For key primary and secondary sources consulted, see “Appendix”. On race, including the prevailing mid-twentieth understandings of race and racialised hierarchies, see Vucetic (2015). Yugoslav whiteness in the context of the NAM remains unexamined save for the path-breaking work by Kilibarda (2010).
We treated texts left behind by seasoned party intellectuals like Kardelj, Pijade and Ðilas as the most likely case for the ruling elite’s race consciousness and articulations of anti-racist politics. A source that comes closest to a sustained critique of racism we identified is the 1962 book Crno na belo (Black on White) by surrealist poet Oskar Davičo (“Appendix”).
We do not deny that postwar, Yugoslavia practised internal colonialism and sought to exert authority abroad. Albania’s socialist government, for one, regarded Yugoslavia as an imperial power, the NAM policy being a case in point (Irwin 2016, p. 144).
The government and citizens of Titoist Yugoslavia followed other contemporary European trends in practicing racial politics. Like virtually all other Eastern European governments after 1945, Tito’s regime expelled tens of thousands of Yugoslavia’s ethnic German and Italian population on the basis of racialised understandings of loyalty and guilt. Similarly, the Titoist discourse, institutions and practice of ‘brotherhood and unity’, while maintaining a degree of harmony and ethnic accommodation between and among the ‘constituent nations’ (Croats, Serbs, etc.) and most ‘nationalities’ (Ukrainians, Slovaks, etc.) never quite hampered open racism towards the Roma or the Albanians. Practically throughout the twentieth century, Yugoslavs routinely cast their fellow citizens of Albanian ethnicity as a ‘lower race’ (Jović 2009, p. 287, n. 15; also see Longinović 2011; Sardelić 2014; Bartulin 2014; Baker 2017; for racism in postwar socialist Eastern Europe, see Baldwin 2002; Imre 2005; Law 2012). The larger point is that forms of racism—intersecting with gender, ethnicity, class, sexuality, post-coloniality and other axes of human differences—can be localised in every part of the modern world (Vucetic 2015).
Yugoslavia’s Marxist academics made similar points. ‘Underdeveloped socialism’, argued one, was subject to ‘severe contradictions’, such as those arising from residues of clientelism and authoritarianism (Rus 1964).
‘Small state’ is a convenient shorthand for all states that cannot match the various criteria of great powerhood, whether the objectivist guns-and-butter counts, intersubjectivist understandings of role and responsibility, or some combination of both. Most IR and historical literatures classify Titoist Yugoslavia as a ‘middle’ or ‘medium power’. Yet, Yugoslavia’s leading thinkers of the time quite explicitly invoked smallness. At the London meeting of the UN General Assembly in 1945, Kardelj forcefully argued against the notion that small states ‘have no role, that their positions are dependent only on the solutions of great powers [velike države]’ (Borba, 20 January 1946), as did Tito, in many of his speeches: ‘Small nations can play an enormous role in preventing a new world war if they fight together for equal relationships between big and small’ (Tito 1959a, b, pp. 239–240).
Following Bourdieu’s field theory, status-seeking in any field involves a struggle over the definition and distribution of capital. If dominant actors employ conservation strategies to maintain status, those who hold subordinate position can choose between either attempting to succeed or at least support dominant actors or subverting the legitimacy of the status quo (Bourdieu 1993, pp. 82–84). Compare with De Carvalho and Neumann (2014a: 10–11).
Note, however, that performance is related to, but not the same as, performativity—‘stylised repetition of acts’ in Judith Butler’s formulation. Inspired by John Austin, Guy Debord, Murray Edelman, Jacques Derrida, Jean Baudrillard, Bruno Latour and other thinkers, the latter evokes a different (and arguably more established) body of work in IR (Ringmar 2012, p. 3, n. 9; 2016: 105–106).
Note that Ringmar goes much deeper to theorise performances from the perspective of the human body and embodied interactions that are at once physiological-neurological and social (Ringmar 2016, pp. 102, 108). Citing the work of Vittorio Gallese, he also draws attention to the hypothesised link between such embodied interactions on the one hand and political solidarity on the other (ibid.: 110, cf. 119, n. 3).
Some of this is captured in the 1961/1962-vintage 10-min Filmske novosti newsreel ‘Historical conference in Belgrade’ (in English), available on YouTube at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vfsjKTj4Qpw. Like in Bandung, citizens were instructed to be on their best behaviour towards visitors, and local high school and university foreign language students were mobilised to provide city tours (Dinkel 2014, pp. 209–210).
We draw heavily from Dinkel (2014) for the following paragraphs.
Compared to Brioni, where the stage was a single joint press conference covered by two dozen journalists, Belgrade offered a media spectacle akin to a major international sporting event. In addition to hundreds of foreign conference officials and probably around a thousand of local ones, the hosts invited over 1000 journalists from more than 50 countries, putting them up in student residences of the University of Belgrade while also providing them with ample working space and technical equipment. Translators from the participating countries—the conference was to be simultaneously translated into Arabic, English, French, and Spanish—received similar help.
Tito, for one, was not among NAM leaders who had known each other since the 1927 Conference Against Imperialism in Brussels. In fact, it is likely that none of the Yugoslav communists who came to lead postwar Yugoslavia had any experience with any of the interwar transnational advocacy networks that connected and mobilised anti-imperialist intellectuals calling for international (racial) equality. For context, see Mišković (2014, esp. 2–3), Drapac (2010) and Prashad (2008).
Hajer’s notion of ‘discourse coalitions’—incoherent assemblages of meanings that nevertheless are strategic and potentially highly politically consequential—is helpful here (Hajer 2009, p. 64).
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Catherine Baker, Dragan Bogetić, Dragomir Bondžić, Elizabeth Dauphinee, Marina Duque, Aida Hozić, Nemanja Radonjić, Slobodan Selinić, Ana Sladojević, Ljubica Spaskovska, Gojko Subotić, Irina Subotić, the staff at the National Library of Serbia, the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Museum of Yugoslav History, the Museum of African Art in Belgrade, participants in the 2016 Millennium conference ‘Racialised Realities in World Politics’, editors of the Journal of International Relations and Development, and two anonymous reviewers for very helpful comments and suggestions.
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Appendix
Appendix
Archives
Arhiv Jugoslavije: Kabinet predsednika Republike [Archive of Yugoslavia: Cabinet of the President of the Republic].
Diplomatski arhiv Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije: Politička arhiva [Diplomatic Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia: Political Archive].
Newspapers
Borba (Belgrade).
Politika (Belgrade).
Travelogues, speeches, biographies, memoirs & interviews
Davičo, Oskar (1962) Crno na belo [Black on White], Belgrade: Prosveta, available at https://kok.memoryoftheworld.org/Oskar%20Davico/Crno%20na%20belo%20(59)/Crno%20na%20belo%20-%20Oskar%20Davico.pdf (last accessed on 11 September, 2016).
Dedijer, Vladimir (1980–1984) Novi Prilozi za Biografiju Josipa Broza Tita [New Additions to the Biography of Josip Broz Tito], 3 Vols, Zagreb: Mladost.
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Additional secondary historical literature
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Subotic, J., Vucetic, S. Performing solidarity: whiteness and status-seeking in the non-aligned world. J Int Relat Dev 22, 722–743 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0112-2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0112-2