Abstract
This essay aims to review the contemporary debate on citizenship with a focus on the present dilemma of the institution of citizenship between equality and difference. Citizenship today seems to have become stuck between a categorical commitment to either universalism or particularism. It is as if there is no alternative but to opt for either assimilation (national citizenship) or group fetishism (the end of citizenship). In this essay, however, I argue that citizenship today is not as helpless as it looks. I suggest that rethinking the categories of equality and universality may save modern citizenship from this dilemma between equality and difference. Perceiving equality as equality of differences and not homogenisation and pursuing a contingent notion of universality may, I argue, be of some use in coping with the dilemma in question.
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Notes
Participation in communal affairs was an inalienable aspect of citizenship in Athens. Citizens were particularly expected to join politics and war. The ideal citizen, ‘a citizen pure and simple’ was, in Aristotle's (1998: 175) terms, ‘defined by nothing else so much as by the right to participate in judicial functions and in office’.
In Christian Joppke's (1998: 25) view, however, Soysal's argument ‘elevates the fringe into the core experience’. Immigration, Joppke argues, ‘touches only the margins of society’, and as such ‘it does not stir up the national order of things’. Moreover, Soysal is wrong, Joppke (1999: 271) maintains, in assuming that national belonging constitutes the source of rights. This, according to Joppke (p. 271), ‘is a fiction, building upon T. H. Marshall's flawed identification of individual rights with citizen rights. Contrary to Marshall's assumption that civil, political and social rights in modern states are all citizen rights, civil and social rights have never been dependent on citizenship. Instead, modern constitutions […] have conceived of civil and social rights as rights of the person residing in the territory of the state, irrespective of her citizenship status’.
An early pioneer of this view, which identifies citizenship with full membership of nation-state-society, was Raymond Aron ([1974] 1994: 279) who ruled out the term multinational citizenship as ‘a contradiction in terms’ a long time ago.
The last of these three proposals is put by Rainer Bauböck (1994a, 1994b). In Bauböck's (1994b: 205–6) view, ‘the basic standard for inclusion in liberal democratic polity is based on a specific notion of society – the outlines of which can be determined by applying the norm of democratic legitimacy to the social instead of the political sphere. From the perspective of individuals, a society in this sense comprises all whose social position durably relates them to a certain state so that they depend on this state for their protection and rights. Seen from the perspective of a state, a society is the basic ensemble of populations permanently affected by its collectively binding decisions’. Such a community would include (p. 206) ‘foreign residents in the territory as well as citizens, and even some foreigners living abroad’. To be brief, what Bauböck (p. 219) proposes is ‘an enrichment of liberal democratic citizenship with transnational elements’.
Derrida's reflections upon hospitality are of import for the politics of citizenship. Suggesting pursuing a politics of hospitality, Derrida (1997b) maintains that ‘hospitality should be neither assimilation, acculturation, nor simply the occupation of my space by the Other. That's why it has to be negotiated at every instant’.
See for instance, Lister (1998).
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Yeğen, M. The Dialectic and the Tragedy of Citizenship. Eur Polit Sci 7, 98–112 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210149
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210149