Abstract
Since the end of World War II, relations between Canadian and US leaders have become difficult, as the absence of the unifying force of war led to different political visions. However, on the whole, and in spite of a power differential that has grown since 1945, relations between Canada and the United States have nevertheless been good. How is this explained? In this reflection, rather than taking a structural-realist approach, we build on a perspective proposed by Stéphane Roussel in his theory on democratic peace between Canada and the United States. Roussel showed how the constructivist model could justify the absence of coercion and the relatively egalitarian cooperation between both states. While Roussel's studies refer only to the 1867–1958 period, we broaden the perspective to include the contemporary period and propose that the ‘unsocial sociability’ at the heart of Canadian-American relations is due to the recognition of the democratic nature of the other's regime and the implementation of institutional mechanisms and techniques.
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Notes
‘All friendship must be sought for itself; however, it originates in utility’ (Piotte, 1999, pp. 55–56).
The continued predominance of the realist theory in international relations explains why friendship has remained largely untheorized in the discipline (Oelsner, 2007). ‘Of the thousands of pages dedicated to the causes of war, there is not one that is entirely devoted to the study of the causes of peace’ (Blainey, 1988, p. 3).
It is worth noting that Kant uses the same postulates as Hobbes, and from this point of view it is possible to classify him as a realist. The major distinction is Kant's belief that it is possible to go beyond power politics, while still maintaining the anarchic nature of the international system, and thereby achieve a perpetual peace between states (Oneal and Russett, 1999, p. 1; and Piotte 1999, p. 339 and pp. 335–347).
For Kant, it is precisely the selfish interests of men that forced them to establish peace through the Republic, and, following that, between Republics: this is Kant's unsociable sociability (Kant, 1991).
Recall that interdependence is defined as the influence that one actor can exert over the other in a relationship where both actors depend on one another. This dependence stems from the number, quality and significance of transactions between these two actors. The phenomenon is characterized by three factors: the multiple channels and exchanges at the transnational, transgovernmental and intergovernmental levels; the multiplication of spheres of activity and the lack of hierarchy between them; and, finally, the renunciation of the threat of force or of the use of force in relations between these two actors (Keohane and Nye, 1977).
Afterwards, however, Paul Martin's Liberal government decided not to participate in this project, which proved to be very controversial in Canada.
This group was dissolved after submitting its report.
It is worth noting that these new threats are handled by military bodies, as well as by other public institutions such as the police, intelligence agencies and so on.
Without getting into a detailed explanation of the possible conceptions of Canadian foreign policy, it is worth simply noting that they can be separated into four groups. There are pure multilateralists, who are willing to participate in interventions only if they are sanctioned in a multilateral way (UN); pure continentalists, who always support the United States; pure sovereignists, who will always oppose the United States; and partners in selective cooperation, who, depending on Canadian interests, will or will not cooperate (see Legault, 2004).
Ironically or not, a certain type of anti-Americanism has long existed among the Canadian elite, especially among Anglophones. The latter often use this anti-Americanism to differentiate (or to try to differentiate) themselves from their southern neighbours. It is often forgotten that, for Anglophones, the original distinction in North America is not cultural, but is historically rooted in interests and beliefs. It arose out of the separation between Republicans and Loyalists during the war of American Independence. Although we are not trying to explain the two countries’ love–hate relationship by using this one premise, it remains relevant nevertheless. It explains, among other things, this periodic will to emphasize the difference in values between the two countries. For more on this issue, see Balthazar (1983, 1989); on the differences between Canadian and American values, see Adams (2003).
In fact, as Doran mentions (2006, p. 394), according to this one variable, relations between President Bush and President Chirac should have been excellent, while relations with Prime Minister Blair should have been more difficult. In reality, however, that was hardly the case.
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Patsias, C., Deschênes, D. Unsociable sociability: The paradox of Canadian-American friendship. Int Polit 48, 92–111 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2010.38
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/ip.2010.38