1 Introduction

Nigeria’s migration history is linked to four African slave trades from the fifteenth to nineteenth centuries. About 6 million people were taken from Africa and sold into slavery during the first three slave trades, which took place through the Sahara, via the Red Sea, and along the Indian Ocean. The British colonial government enabled people from neighbouring countries migrate to Nigeria for work in mining, public administration, plantations, and the Niger Delta petroleum industry [1]. As part of the British colonial effort in West Africa, many Nigerians were also deported to surrounding nations like Gold Coast (modern day Ghana) to work [2, 3]. Nigeria is a destination, origin, and transit country for migrants of diverse backgrounds, goals and intentions [4]. Internal displacement in Nigeria has increased due to the ongoing war between the Nigerian army and the Boko Haram insurgency in the northeast, farmer-herder conflicts in the north central region, Niger Delta conflicts, regional agitation in the south-eastern region, and post-electoral clashes [1]. Thus, many Nigerians have fled to adjacent nations. Population growth, poor governance, urbanisation, unemployment, worsening socio-economic conditions and rising poverty also contribute to Nigerian emigration [4].

Unauthorised foreign nationals are able to easily cross into Nigeria because of the country’s lax border controls [1, 5]. Damaturu and Maiduguri in northern Nigeria have many unmarked routes to Cameroon, Chad and Niger. These routes also reach Libya, Mali and Sudan. These unidentified routes lack proper safeguards and are often used for illegal activities like weapon trade and other illegal business enterprises [6]. This explains Nigeria’s porosity. According to [7], irregular migrants use many unprotected and unknown routes. The fact that only 91 of Nigeria’s roughly 4080 routes are officially recognised and safeguarded creates a dangerously unprotected environment in the country. Nigeria’s porous borders pose a threat to national security [8]. Unrecorded foreign migration has occurred throughout West Africa, particularly Nigeria. Nigerian security agencies’ poor enforcement of land and maritime border control procedures is to blame. Lack of strong leadership and sincerity among authority figures hinders security services’ operations [9].

Movement of people, products, and services across national boundaries has substantially grown in the period of globalization. There are advantages and disadvantages to this increased mobility. It has, on the one hand, promoted global cooperation, cultural interchange, and economic progress. Conversely, it has made problems such as smuggling, transnational crime, human trafficking, and illegal immigration worse [9]. Boundaries are now points of vulnerability for illegal activity as well as entry points for lawful trade and travel.

The emphasis on open borders for migration and trade within the international system has occasionally made the issue of porous borders worse, particularly in poorer nations. For instance, the Schengen Agreement, which permits free movement between member states but also calls for strict controls at external borders to thwart illegal immigration and cross-border crime, has presented difficulties for the European Union [10]. Similar difficulties have been encountered by the US in controlling its southern border, where an influx of illegal immigrants, narcotics, and other illegal goods has created serious security risks [11]. Nigeria serves as an excellent example of how international trends in migration and border control materialize in a national setting because to its vast land and maritime borders. The nation’s borders extend over 4000 km, reaching the nations of Benin, Niger, Chad, and Cameroon, among others. These borders are vulnerable to smuggling, illegal crossings, and other criminal activity because they are not properly marked and patrolled.

The open borders of Nigeria have had a big impact on social stability, economic growth, and national security. Cross-border arms smuggling has contributed to the continuing insurgency of Boko Haram in the northeast, among other internal conflicts fuelled by the movement of illicit weaponry, drugs, and contraband across these borders [12]. In a similar vein, the open borders have made it easier for people to move illegally and engage in human trafficking, which has jeopardized attempts to control immigration and protect the nation’s borders [9]. There are also significant economic ramifications. Development efforts have been further hampered by the Nigerian government’s huge income losses as a result of the smuggling of items, notably petroleum products. Unofficial cross-border trade is a major source of income for many people, but it also operates outside of the formal economy, which makes it difficult to enforce regulations and impose taxes [10].

1.1 Statement of the problem

In light of the recent severe threat that banditry has posed to Nigeria’s human security, research on this topic has gained significant attention on a national, regional, and worldwide scale. Insurgency, kidnapping, suicide attacks, self-sacrifice, bombing, corruption, armed robbery, and other incidents are part of this complex issue [11]. Counterinsurgency methods have been used by the Nigerian government to curb banditry. These methods include sanctions to deter banditry and strategies to reduce banditry in Nigeria [12, 13]. Despite these considerations, national insecurity remains high. In 2018, approximately 1100 people were murdered in six northern Nigerian states [13]. Over 2200 deaths occurred in 2019, and 1600 occurred from January to June 2020 [14]. About 247,000 people have been displaced, creating nearly 41,000 refugees [15, 16]. Over 8000 people have died in Zamfara State in the past decade. About 200,000 people have been forcibly displaced within their own country, while others have fled to neighbouring states [17]. In April 2023, bandits killed 87 people in Benue State [18]. Due to this and the permeability of national and international borders, Nigeria continually ranks low in the Global Peace Index [19]. The prevalence of these bandit organisations reflects a growing level of insecurity in Nigeria, hurting its global reputation. This study aims to provide a critical assessment of the impact of cross-border migration and armed banditry on the development of Nigeria. In addressing this problem, the study raises the following questions; how does cross-border migration aid the activities of armed bandits in Nigeria? What is the nexus between cross-border migration, armed banditry and development? What are the challenges posed by armed bandits to development in Nigeria?

2 Conceptual clarification and literature review

2.1 Cross-border migration

Cross-border migration includes international migration as defined by nation-states and transnational movement as defined by migrants. The phenomena can be regarded as a dynamic interchange of resources and people that includes emigration, immigration, and additional migration [20]. Cross-border or international migration occurs when people move beyond a national border to a different administrative authority or country, according to [21].

Nigeria shared boundaries with Cameroun, Niger, Chad, and Benin Republic after its 1914 colonial founding. Nigeria borders Equatorial Guinea and Sao Tome and Principe navally. However, the post-colonial government’s inadequate infrastructure has made these borders vulnerable to trans-border crime, threatening Nigeria’s national security [22]. Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has had major internal security issues, according to [23]. Trafficking in arms, people, and drugs, armed banditry, terrorism, gun-running, vehicle theft, smuggling, touting and duping, illegal or undocumented migration, illegal lumbering, bunkering of petroleum products, and transhumance by herdsmen who violate border regulations are the main causes of these issues. According to [6], Nigeria is a major destination, origin, and transit country for migrants with diverse backgrounds, goals and aspirations. Only 84 of Nigeria’s 1978 entry locations are authorised, while 1894 are illegal. The effectiveness of the security apparatus is diminished by the prevalence of escalated criminal activity. Modern piracy, illicit transportation of toxic waste, production and distribution of counterfeit medications, and illicit commerce of valuable metals and natural resources have joined prostitution, drug trafficking and arms trafficking as illegal transnational activities [22].

Nigeria faces three main security issues due to West African migrants. This context comprises violent farmer-herder conflict, Boko Haram insurgency, and cattle rustlers and robbers. The intense and violent herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria is a security threat. This issue is linked to ECOWAS’ free movement and transhumance protocols, the key ECOWAS protocols related to transhumance are ECOWAS Protocol on Transhumance (1998) and the Supplementary Act on the Transhumance Protocol (2003). The land and water dispute has now become religious, ethnic, and political. The conflict predominantly affects Benue, Taraba, Adamawa, Nassarawa, and Plateau in Nigeria’s central belt. The availability of small, lightweight weaponry and mercenary-facilitated trans-border movements have exacerbated the herder-farmer conflict. These forces escalate the confrontation with trafficking weapons. Numerous Nigerians have called for Nigeria to abandon ECOWAS regulations due to the association between intra-ECOWAS migration and Nigeria’s instability [24].

According to [25], cross-border migration involves not one but multiple states, including the country of origin, the country of destination, and possibly even transit states. Concerns exist that the influx of migrants from economically disadvantaged nations is straining their legal migration pathways, resulting in a large number of “irregular” migrants who live and work in these states without legal authorization. By lowering trade barriers and promoting cross-border investment, the AfCFTA is anticipated to spur economic growth and development. However, it may also have an impact on migratory patterns, particularly when it comes to irregular migration. Through increased market accessibility, increased competitiveness, and increased foreign direct investment, the AfCFTA aims to boost economic growth. The agreement may lessen the push forces behind irregular migration from economically disadvantaged countries by increasing economic prospects in member countries. Jobs may become more available as local economies expand, which would lessen the motivation for people to travel irregularly in quest of better living conditions [26].

Concerns remain, though, that the AfCFTA would unintentionally impede current legal migration routes. More people may desire to relocate to more economically thriving areas of the continent as economic activity and mobility rise within it. The likelihood of irregular migration may increase if legal frameworks for migration are not sufficiently adjusted to meet this rising demand. If nations do not link their migration policies with the larger goals of the AfCFTA, more people will live and work without legal authorization, which will put more pressure on legal paths [27]. Due to porous borders and lax implementation of migration rules, many African countries already contend with irregular migration, which further complicates the problem. These agreements include the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons. If not adequately regulated, the free movement of businesspeople promoted by the AfCFTA may make these difficulties more prevalent. The agreement places a strong emphasis on free movement, but it does not always address the difficulties in controlling migration, which could encourage more undocumented migrants to take advantage of the open borders in search of employment opportunities [28].

Note that the States of origin view a major amount of outmigration from their borders as a result of recruiting it’s most talented and intelligent citizens. This emigration hinders their growth and progress. Labour migrants, refugees, and displaced people must be considered to understand how borders affect movement. In 2020, there were an estimated 281 million international migrants worldwide, or 3.6% of the world’s population, according to the IOM’s World Migration Report 2022. Labour migrants make up a sizable fraction of these migrants, who go across borders in quest of better job prospects. These people are frequently forced into irregular migration channels, where they are vulnerable to exploitation and other dangers, due to tight border policies and a lack of legal migration options [29]. 48 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 4.1 million asylum seekers, and 26.4 million refugees made up the global total of over 82.4 million forcibly displaced individuals as of 2020, according to the IOM. Conflict, violence, and persecution are the main causes of displacement, with many people being compelled to cross borders in search of safety. However, these people’s freedom of movement and access to protection may be restricted by border enforcement and tighter asylum laws in several areas [29]. Distance between the origin and destination, including long-distance, regional, and temporary migration to “trampoline towns,” should also be considered. The social position of migrants, particularly middlemen minorities and qualified employees, and the effects of these migrations, such as brain-drain, citizenship, and urban expansion, should also be considered [30]. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has observed that the erection of physical obstacles, the fortification of borders, and the establishment of stringent visa policies have had a noteworthy impact on the mobility of individuals. For instance, the Global Migration Data Analysis Centre of the IOM has documented how borders can become potentially fatal barriers for migrants, particularly in areas such as the Mediterranean and North Africa where tight border controls have led to hazardous migration routes [29].

2.2 National security

Rodrigues [30] states that national security has typically focused on foreign hostility and armed conflict. The definition of national security has expanded beyond military threats in recent decades. Non-traditional dangers include social, cultural, environmental, demographic, technical, and migratory concerns. The acknowledgement of migration as a major security threat to nations is significant. Global migration has become a major international security issue, according to [31]. This attention has focused on migratory movements as a potential vector for international terrorism, especially after 9/11. Before the September 11 attacks, policymakers and security scholars were increasingly interested in globalisation, migration and security. In the 1990s, migration became a major European security issue. The Madrid and London terrorist attacks on March 11, 2004 and July 7, 2005, heightened European fears about migration and terrorism. Previous events, such as the 1995 Paris metro bombings by the Armed Islamic Group of Algeria and the 1990s Kurdistan Workers’ Party attacks in Western Europe, had raised concerns about migration and security [31]. Terrorism and migration are intricately linked, according to [23]. Migration is at the confluence of globalisation and terrorism, transforming security measures and human interactions. Individual governments have developed cross-border movement regulation and control measures due to concerns or perceived threats. Due to the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW), radical anti-state ideologies and movements, and aggressive migrant pastoralists, [32] has observed that cross-border movements in sub-Saharan Africa are growing. These events have prompted worries about their effects, particularly on sub-regional sovereign states’ national security. Nigeria’s economic and demographic dominance in the region makes this relevant.

2.3 Migration in West Africa

West African migration is caused by historical events, conflicts and wars, land and property disputes, human rights violations, epidemics or diseases, natural disasters, climate change and food security issues. These movements benefit from the regions vast and permeable nation-state boundaries. National authorities consider most borders “unpoliceable” because they lack effective control. The phenomenon encourages unauthorised migration, transnational crime, and regional instability [33]. Additionally, the information regarding the nature of cross-border migration between Nigeria and her Francophone neighbours is highlighted in Table 1 of this paper.

Table 1 Nature of cross-border migration between Nigeria and her francophone neighbours.
Full size table

As shown in Table 1, the information illustrates how porous the border is between Nigeria and Cameroon, especially in the north-eastern area where the Lake Chad Basin makes border control difficult. This region has developed into a hub for human trafficking, as victims are frequently sent abroad for forced labour or sexual exploitation. Moreover, there is a known pirate presence in the Gulf of Guinea, which has an impact on marine security. The instability in both nations and the actions of insurgent groups such as Boko Haram contribute to the prevalence of armed smuggling, which includes the smuggling of weapons and other goods [34].

A notable phenomenon along the Nigerian-Chad border is unauthorized migration. This is partially because populations on both sides of the border have close ethnic and cultural links that precede contemporary nation-state boundaries. The relatively easy passage made possible by the challenging terrain and shoddy border infrastructure frequently results in an inflow of undocumented migrants. According to [34], undocumented migrants can include people who are fleeing violence or seeking economic opportunities, as well as those who are engaging in illicit activities. This presents issues for both countries in terms of social services and security.

Communities have been compelled to migrate southward in search of fertile land and water, and the Nigeria-Niger border is located in a region severely impacted by desertification. Resource-based conflict and poverty are made worse by this environmental stress. Furthermore, Muslim fundamentalist groups have infiltrated the area; these groups are especially connected to Boko Haram and other terrorist groups. By moving militants, weapons, and supplies between Niger and Nigeria through the porous border, these groups contribute to the destabilization of the area and the propagation of extremism [34].

Owing to the high rates of smuggling and trafficking, the border between the Nigerian and Benin Republics is a major source of concern. The security problems along this border have been made worse by religious extremism and terrorism, especially in light of insurgent actions by organizations like Boko Haram. Forcible labour, prostitution, and child exploitation are among the common illegal migration activities that are part of trafficking networks. Furthermore, the smuggling of manufactured goods and agricultural items jeopardizes regional economic stability and legitimate trade [34].

2.4 Banditry

Banditry comes from the word “bandit,” which refers to an illegal armed group that terrorises people and steals their property. It indicates the establishment of criminal organisations that use small guns to assault people. Rosenje and Adeniyi [35] describe banditry as planned crime for personal gain. According to [36], the phenomenon involves attacking people on roadways and transit hubs, plundering villages, and stealing livestock. These include extortion, kidnapping, robbery and murder. Military members predatorily assaulting individuals or organisations is the problem under investigation. This conduct incorporates aggressive or defensive weaponry and may occur without planning. These activities are often taken out by semi-organized collectives to subdue the targeted party, acquire vital resources, or achieve political goals. Bandits are seen as lawbreakers without a home or purpose. To avoid capture, they travel through the forest and mountains [37].

Mohammed and Abdullahi [38] define banditry as armed robbery, sexual assault, raiding, and unlawful imprisonment for ransom for economic or political reasons. Its various forms have serious humanitarian consequences. Shootings that kill, cattle rustling, kidnappings, sexual assault, the deliberate destruction of villages, and the theft of valuables have increased, resulting in more casualties and forced evictions. There are several causes of banditry. Guns, permeable borders, social inequality, poverty, unemployment, political strategies as weapons, perceived economic deprivation, and greed are among these factors [39].

Okoro [40] defines banditry as violent organised crime committed by outlaws, forbidden and nomadic bandits. Translocational and international mobility characterises these individuals. They pillage, kidnap, rape, murder, and set fire to houses and farms, causing widespread mayhem. The perpetrators used machetes, bows and arrows, makeshift weaponry, axes, and, more recently, automatic rifles and firearms. Ungoverned spaces—forests, mountains, highlands, and gullies—are where these actions are committed. Bandits or outlaws may also seize empty settlements if the local population has moved to safety, displacing them.

Banditry is linked to economic issues, according to [41]. This issue is deeply linked to the farmer-herder dispute. One must evaluate the bandits’ activities and recurring confrontations to appropriately define banditry. Thus, banditry can be categorised as resource-induced, ethno-regional-induced, political-induced, and nomadic free-range grazing-induced [41]. Cornelius and Tsuda [11] provides an overview of the several manifestations of banditry that have been documented in various scholarly works.

The indices illustrated in Table 2 aid in comprehending the characteristics, intents, settings, and methods of functioning of the subjects under study. A detailed explanation of each category is provided below:

Table 2 A typology of banditry.
Full size table
  1. 1.

    Social vs. political vs. economic (intent or motive)

    Description: using a typological index, phenomena are categorized according to their fundamental purpose or motivation.

    Social: socially motivated actions or behaviours include ethnic allegiance, social justice, and community identity. For instance, the need to confront social injustices or uphold cultural values may be the motivation behind social movements or acts of violence in communities.

    Political: reasons pertaining to philosophy, politics, or power relations. In order to influence or alter political institutions or policies, political acts such as protests, terrorism, or rebellions may be undertaken.

    Economic: actions motivated by monetary benefit or necessity. This might apply to smuggling, organized crime, or even insurgencies where the primary motivators are financial gains such as resource control [13].

  2. 2.

    Rural vs. urban (location)

    Description: this index assigns a geographical classification to phenomena.

    Rural: taking place in rural or sparsely populated places. Guerrilla warfare, land disputes, and agricultural communities are examples of activities or conflicts that may occur in rural settings.

    Urban: occurring in populous regions, such as cities. To achieve maximum visibility and impact, urban settings may involve activities such as terrorist attacks, gang violence, or urban protests [13].

  3. 3.

    Mercenary vs. autonomous (agency and autonomy)

    Description: this classification describes how independent or how much the actors are affected by outside forces.

    Mercenary: people or organizations that are compensated or employed to perform certain tasks, frequently without having a strong personal ideological commitment to the cause. Usually acting on behalf of outside parties like governments or businesses, mercenaries are driven by money.

    Autonomous: independent actors who pursue their own goals, convictions, or motivations. According to [13], autonomous groups can be insurgent movements, neighbourhood militias, or ideologically motivated groups operating independently of outside influence.

  4. 4.

    Organized vs. petty (form and formation)

    Description: activities are categorized by scale and degree of organization in this index.

    Organized: involves planned operations carried out by organized, frequently hierarchical units. Crime syndicates, terrorist groups, or well-organized rebel groups are examples of organized activity. These teams have definite duties, transparent leadership and frequently long-term plans.

    Petty: refers to smaller-scale, less structured activities that are frequently done by lone people or small groups. Small-scale smuggling, street-level criminality, and impromptu acts that lack thorough planning or organization are examples of petty activities [13].

  5. 5.

    Roving vs. stationary (operational mode)

    Description: there are two types of operation in this typology: mobile and static.

    Roving: refers to performers or ensembles that roam around a lot and do not spend a lot of time in one place. Mobile rebels, itinerant criminal bands, or pirates operating without a set base across multiple areas are examples of roving groupings.

    Stationary: characterizes performers or ensembles that have a permanent location. Urban gangs with defined territory, established criminal networks with a foothold in a particular area, and military checkpoints are a few examples of this [13].

  6. 6.

    Frontier vs. countryside (location)

    Description: the spatial context of the actions is further refined by this index.

    Frontier: refers to border regions or zones that are more likely to be unruly and poorly controlled. Activities that take advantage of the porous nature of borders include insurgencies, trafficking, and cross-border smuggling.

    Countryside: describes rural areas, which are not often near boundaries. Conflicts amongst farmers, banditry in rural areas, and resistance movements that rely on rural support are some of the activities that can occur in the countryside [13].

  7. 7.

    Maritime vs. coastal vs. mainland (location)

    Description: based on how close an activity is to inland or marine environments, it is classified according to this typology.

    Maritime: entails undertaking operations on the sea or other big bodies of water. Piracy, illicit fishing, and maritime trafficking are a few examples.

    Coastal: describes places that are on land but close to the water. The use of the coast as a quick escape route by insurgents or smugglers who profit from the area’s closeness to ports are examples of coastal activity.

    Mainland: is used to describe activities that take place inland, away from coastal areas. Traditional land-based crime, insurgencies, or commercial endeavours centered on interior regions are examples of mainland activities [13].

2.5 Causes of banditry in Nigeria

According to research conducted by [42], a number of factors have been proposed as the main causes of banditry in Nigeria, especially in the northwest of the country. Banditry in northern Nigeria is fuelled by a few socio-existential factors that define both the interior and borders of the region. In these circumstances, areas that are rarely under regional control such as borderlines, hinterlands, and forests—are prominent. Severely scattered rural towns divided by unstable rangelands and farmlands characterize the Northwest Hinterlands [43].

In addition, they have many different types of wooded settings, ponds, cliffs, and tunnels. They are separated not merely from one another but also from the state and municipal government centres of power. The huge, rough, and hazardous forestlands of the area. Above all, they are terribly under policed, which is perfect for all kinds of jungle criminals. Thus, in such heavily wooded areas, violent crimes such as banditry have flourished [43]. In the northwest, where there is little security, most attacks frequently occur in rural villages surrounded by forests. Large tracts of forest reserves that are mostly unaffected by Nigerian security forces are also rife with banditry. The Kamuku, Kiyanbana, and Fagore woods are among the state-owned reserves in Northern Nigeria where the majority of bandit operations occur. For criminals who wish to evade being caught by law enforcement, the trees are ideal hiding places. It appears that inefficiency, locals’ cooperation, a lack of sophisticated equipment, and a lack of passion on the side of the Nigerian security forces are some of the reasons behind their reluctance to enter these forested areas [44].

Another factor that promotes banditry in Nigeria is the country’s high unemployment rate. The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reports that Nigeria’s unemployment rate for 2019 is 23.1%, with youth unemployment coming in at 55.4%. In a similar vein, the state’s poverty index is 43.5% [45]. As more students from Nigerian institutions graduate each year with the hope of better employment opportunities and advancements after graduation, these rates have been rising annually [46]. The majority of bandit assaults and security concerns in Nigeria have been sparked by the fear of Nigerian graduates, which in turn has led to discontent and, ultimately, acts of violence against the government [47, 48]. Increased unemployment has been attributed to Nigeria’s rising crime rate. As a result, in order to stay up with the times, idle children are more inclined to commit crimes. Undoubtedly, the alarmingly high rate of banditry in the northwest of Nigeria is a result of Nigeria’s insufficient security apparatus. An explanation for this might be the nation’s overly robust security framework. Security personnel assigned to certain security scenarios can lack the knowledge and tools needed to handle the situation so that problems do not emerge. According to [48], there have also been accounts of security personnel acting as government saboteurs rather than as national watchdogs, and of them leaking crucial security information to increase unrest.

2.6 Implications of Banditry on Development in Nigeria

Ogbonna [49] argued that economic growth is a prerequisite for national development. Economic growth is the increase in the value of products and services produced in a country using all its production factors. However, economic development involves altering an economy to acquire advanced technological capabilities, economic self-sufficiency, major industrialization, high per capita income and a higher standard of living [50]. Countries usually devote a large amount of their production and work force to agriculture in the early stages of economic development. Subsequently, manufacturing and services grow. Government, defense, construction, transportation, finance, insurance, banking, and other industries make up the service sector. It also includes the labour of non-physical producers like those who do not make cars or radios. Thus, accountancy, law, teaching, and hairstyling are service sector jobs [51].

Economists define economic development as positive economic changes that improve the population’s standard of living, reduce poverty and distribute wealth fairly in countries like Nigeria [52]. Growth in a nation’s aggregate income over time is another definition of economic growth. The goal of economic growth is to improve people’s lives. Changes in the economy are under consideration [53]. However, societal or national reforms are improbable in an environment with chronic security threats to public health and safety. Nigeria’s northeastern insurgency and inter-tribal, religious, and political disputes have slowed economic growth [54]. These battles are engineered by mercenaries brought in by politicians and government operatives from adjacent countries who can freely traverse Nigeria’s borders [55]. Potential investors are prevented from making large investments in this region. National development primarily involves protecting lives and property within the nation-state [56].

Ogbonnaya [57] defines development as the comprehensive advancement of a nation, encompassing several dimensions such as political, economic, social, cultural, scientific and material progress. Similar to how [58] define it, national development encompasses a nation’s or nations’ progress in all spheres of life, including politics, economics and religion. The ensuing comprehensive national objectives are the development process’s conceptual framework and goal. This discourse aims to rapidly increase the population’s earnings, reduce or eliminate poverty, increase the impoverisher’s incomes, meet basic social and economic needs and maintain a truly democratic and participatory society. It is also perceived as a fourfold transformation in a nation’s progress aimed at:

  1. i.

    an economy that is more productive,

  2. ii.

    a country that is more proactive,

  3. iii.

    a stronger administration,

  4. iv.

    Citizens treated equally and have a common identity [59].

Although they may overlap, Okeke and Idike [60] say development and economic development are not always the same. Social advancement requires the elimination of inter-ethnic enmity and hostilities inside a nation-state, notably in inter-group and interpersonal contacts. With multiple ethnic nationalities and a lack of ethnic cohesion, the nation state has made little development. Development should not be assessed exclusively by the economic well-being of various ethnic groups inside a nation, as it ignores the apparent obstacles ethnic minorities suffer in accessing national opportunities.

Many residents in several Nigerian states, including Zamfara, Katsina, Benue, and Kaduna, have been compelled to leave their homes because the actions of armed bandits in the area have made it impossible for them to feel safe [61]. Since that there are still hazards and suffering associated with rural banditry in Nigeria, the following effects; economic, physical, social, and psychological, can only be approximated.

Economic implications: the degree of security of members’ lives and property is a major determinant of every society’s ability to flourish, according to [62]. This can be the reason for [63] opinion that banditry poses a serious threat to economic activity in the affected areas and is a major security concern in Nigeria. This is accurate given that the afflicted areas’ food and cash crop output has significantly decreased as a result of the issue. As a result, there is a direct correlation between the current state of food shortages and the widespread use of armed banditry throughout Nigerian culture. Additionally, banditry discourages investment in the impacted areas because no one would risk their lives to make an investment in a place where they do not know if they would live to see the results of their effort.

Loss of lives and properties: Nigeria’s rural banditry crisis has resulted in several fatalities as well as material losses, with many people losing their homes to fire and becoming injured. Approximately 330 bandit attacks and 1460 recorded deaths occurred between January and July of 2019 [64]. According to [65], the bandits would occasionally rape women, kill and maim people, and then take their belongings away.” As a result of the increasing number of bandit group attacks, lives and property have been destroyed, people have been uprooted from their communities, and an increasing number of widows, widowers, and orphans are now living in camps for internally displaced people [48, 66]. Furthermore, the six states in Nigeria saw over 1100 fatalities in 2018, over 2200 in 2019, and over 1600 between January and June 2020.The analysis of armed banditry and its effects on Nigerian development leads one to the conclusion that the country’s porous borders, high unemployment rate, corruption, lax security measures, poverty, and rural areas’ marginalization are all contributing factors to the alarming rise in rural banditry. Since there have been numerous material and human deaths, the threat posed by banditry in Nigeria has taken on a new, catastrophic dimension that puts the peaceful coexistence of its residents at risk.

2.7 Empirical review

Various studies related to the issues concerned with this study are captured below:

Mashi [67] examined how rural banditry affects human and food security in Niger State, Nigeria. The study used descriptive survey research. Shiroro, Munya, and Rafi, the three local government areas most affected by rural banditry in the state, were represented equally in the 90-person sample. Primary data was collected through questionnaires and in-depth interviews. The study found that kidnapping for ransom, mining, and farmland encroachment are the main causes of rural banditry in the state. The study also shows that this phenomenon causes deaths, livelihood disruptions, agriculture devastation and psychological despair in impacted persons. The study recommends using modern detection technology in rural regions to quickly discover and establish bandits in forestlands to improve human and food security. To remove outlaws, security personnel should have more advanced weapons and ammo. However, the author did not explain how these criminals entered Nigeria. This research seeks to fill a knowledge gap.

Nchom [68] examined the socio-economic effects of rural banditry and cattle rustling in North West Nigeria. This phenomenon is caused by the rising insecurity in many regions, particularly the North-West, where cattle rustling and rural banditry are common. Cattle rustling and rural banditry affected farming, migration, local markets, herders, and vulnerable populations including women and children, according to the author. The study collected data using phone interviews, WhatsApp video conversations, and personal interviews. These interviews took place from July 2016 to August 2019. The sample included 15 Batsari, Kankara, Kaduna, Sabon Birni, Birni Gwari and Safana residents. Educational difficulties have been caused by banditry and cattle rustling in the aforementioned places. This is largely due to school demolition, kidnapping fears, and parents’ inability to pay school fees. Other impacts include the loss of lives and financial investments, the deterioration of human dignity, frustration, the violation of fundamental rights, the sexual violence and other abuse of women and girls. The analysis shows that military strategies alone are insufficient. Instead, underprivileged rural populations’ socio-economic problems must be addressed to make progress. The author neglected banditry attacks’ effects on regional growth and the region’s ease of access despite border security measures. This research seeks to close this gap.

Ojem et al. [69] examined Southern Kaduna’s progress after humanitarian uprisings and rural banditry. The survey study used a structured questionnaire to obtain data from 125 individuals in five Southern Kaduna local government areas. The study’s data analysis was based on the use of descriptive and inferential statistics, as well as logit regression estimate. The study found a strong link between livestock rustling and village raids in Southern Kaduna and poverty. Similarly, kidnappings were linked to poverty in the analyzed region. The data imply that cattle rustling and village raids worsen socio-economic disadvantage, particularly poverty and unemployment. According to the study, government officials, religious leaders, traditional rulers, community leaders, and development partners should establish and maintain inter-religious engagement and dialogue to promote sustainable peaceful coexistence and economic prosperity in Southern Kaduna. The author acknowledged the influence on poverty and development, however the origins of immigration into Nigeria and Southern Kaduna were not investigated.

Abdulrahman [70] undertook “Assessing Border Crimes and Challenges on Nigeria’s Economic Development” in 2021 in response to Nigeria’s rising trans-border crime. Illegal smuggling is perpetuated by porous borders and poor security and border police. 292 Abuja-based border agency staff members (NCS, NIS, NDLEA, and DSS) were selected to examine Nigeria’s border agency. This study collected data using a questionnaire and examined the replies (n = 292) using a frequency table and simple percentages. The study found that Nigeria’s porous borders, corruption, governance, unemployment, poverty, and lack of manpower and logistical support all contribute to border crimes. According to the study, security services should train and retrain agents. It also stresses the importance of raising public awareness about how trans-border crime, particularly smuggling, affects Nigeria’s economy. The author agreed that cross-border migration promotes banditry, other attacks and Nigeria’s economic progress.

Abdussalam et al. [39] examined how banditry affects rural development in Kaduna state. This study examines the causes of banditry in Kaduna state. It also seeks to determine how this phenomenon affects the rural economy. Primary and secondary data were used in the hybrid study. Simple percentage tables and linear regression were used for primary analysis. Content analysis was done for primary and secondary sources. The study found that banditry in Nigeria, particularly in Kaduna State, is at a crisis point. Banditry clearly hinders rural development. Chikun and Igabi LGAs have seen major farming and commerce impacts. Kidnapping fears have caused a large influx of people from rural to metropolitan areas. Continuous attacks have reduced access to crucial social services, and the stoppage of weekly markets has aggravated rural economic problems. The report stressed the need to confront banditry and kidnapping in Kaduna State. Farmers and local communities need better security and social services. Unemployment should be addressed holistically. The main goal of this study was to evaluate how banditry affects development. The study did not examine the particular entry point to Nigeria, a major gap in our research.

Igbashangev and Tion [71] examined banditry and its probable impact on Katsina State’s Faskari local government area’s economy. Data was collected from secondary and primary sources during this inquiry. Current banditry and economic development literature was used in the study. Interviews were also the main data source. This study found that banditry in Faskari local government area is a major issue that hampers the region’s economy. Farmers, herders, and traders are disproportionately affected by this occurrence. The local population has become more susceptible to food insecurity and malnutrition, resulting in the abandonment of agricultural areas, the cessation of market activities, the loss of livestock and working animals to criminals, the loss of human lives and property and a rise in unemployment and poverty. The country’s reputation domestically and internationally has suffered from kidnapping and banditry, particularly in its efforts to attract FDI and create a viable tourism business. Given these security risks, foreign governments often advise against visiting Nigeria. The author concurs with our findings; nevertheless, they did not place emphasis on the origin of their arrival into Nigeria.

Aruofor and Ogbeide [72] studied “insecurity and under development in Nigeria: an analysis of banditry in North Central Nigeria.” Researchers used questionnaires to collect and organize data. Qualitative analysis followed data collection. After collecting and analyzing data, the authors found several causes of insecurity and banditry in North Central Nigeria. These factors include cult group clashes, political faction conflicts, inadequate resource distribution, violent community resistance to government and corporate exploitation, and government and corporate neglect of the populace. The study also found that instability and banditry had fragmented the study area’s community. For the impacted youth, the Nigerian government should develop strategic measures to create large employment prospects. This can be done by implementing projects that target North Central and national poverty. This study investigates the relationship between cross-border migration and banditry in Nigeria, which the author did not mention.

Kennedy et al. [73] employed ‘‘total differential modelling’’ to assess the economic impact of Boko Haram in Nigeria. It examined how the Boko Haram insurgency and banditry affected the Nigerian economy, including real sectors, income, consumption, investment, growth, poverty, unemployment, and other socio-economic indices. The study also examined unemployment and the Boko Haram feedback loop. The analysis shows that Boko Haram and banditry have damaged the economy, notably agriculture and services. Growth declined by N8795 and the rate by 0.24%. Foreign direct investment fell by N43.8 billion, while domestic investment fell by N314.7 billion. The poor population, defined as those living on less than $1.00 per day, increased by 1.42861 million. The absolute poor, defined as those earning less than $1.452853 per day, also increased by 1.452853 million. The poverty line was reached by 21.6 million previously privileged people. Exchange rates showed a N12.65/US$ increase in relative poverty. The phenomenon of insurgency occurred 24,000 times. Unemployment is a factor in Nigeria, although insurgency has had a greater impact on rising unemployment. The author agreed with Nigeria’s developmental concerns but failed to explain how these bandits enter the country from adjacent countries.

In their paper “The influence of banditry and kidnapping on Nigeria’s economic growth during the fourth republic,” Gamson [74] examined how banditry and kidnapping affected Nigeria’s economy. The study examined variable associations using ordinary Least Square (OLS) multiple regression analysis. The research shows that kidnapping and banditry enhance economic activity and unemployment. Poverty increases banditry and kidnapping. It appears that the administration will struggle to attract international and domestic investment, which drives economic growth. According to the study, the government must invest heavily in human capital development, small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), agriculture, micro credit schemes and skill acquisition centers to reduce poverty and unemployment. This analysis addresses the survey’s failure to identify Nigeria’s admission source.

2.8 Theoretical framework

This research utilizes the opportunity-structure theory as its theoretical foundation. Max [75] and Horowitz [76] are only few of the researchers whose works are integral to the development of this structural functional theory-based framework. Some additional academics who have made important contributions to this area are Sacacco [77] and Orji [78]. These scholars [75,76,77,78] associate the likelihood of violent disputes to opportunity structures that organize and mobilize aggressive activity. Proponents of this perspective argue that regardless of a group’s discontent or grievances, they cannot turn to violent activities without opportunity structures that inspire them. This phenomenon is caused by the presence of violent people, a weak state, the availability of small guns and cheap weapons and influential people who are well-connected in local violence networks. Thus, socio-economic and political structures/conditions that favour violent behaviour determine whether people are motivated or organised to engage in such behaviour. When these institutions or conditions are lacking or inaccessible, wronged people may use peaceful means to resolve their disputes.

2.8.1 Core tenets of opportunity structure theory

Opportunity Structure Theory’s central claim is that not every member of society has equal access to respectable pathways to achievement, such social mobility, steady work, or education. People may resort to alternative means, such as crime or deviant behaviour, to achieve their goals in highly stratified societies where opportunities are restricted or unavailable to specific groups.

  1. 1.

    Legitimate vs. illegitimate opportunity structures

    The legitimate opportunity structure refers to socially acceptable means of success, such as pursuing school, careers, or other traditional paths to upward mobility. OST proposes that society is structured around two sorts of opportunity structures: illegitimate and legitimate. When legitimate opportunities are blocked by social isolation, poverty, or discrimination, people may turn to illegitimate avenues to succeed. This is known as the “illegitimate opportunity structure,” which is made up of alternative, frequently illegal, routes to success like gangs, criminal activity, or underground economies [75, 76]. This explains why criminal activities often emerge in contexts where socio-economic opportunities are scarce or unevenly distributed.

  2. 2.

    Influence of social environment

    OST emphasizes how social environments shape people’s access to opportunities. For example, people living in underprivileged neighborhoods are more likely to be exposed to criminal subcultures that offer access to possibilities that are not legal. Cloward and Ohlin [79] suggested that being in such locations and not being able to access authorized structures opens the door to illegal activity.

    Earlier theories, such as Robert Merton’s Strain Theory, emphasized individual responses to society stresses; this approach takes a different approach. Whereas Merton stressed that people may become criminals out of discontent with society’s expectations of them, Cloward and Ohlin [79] went farther, claiming that possibilities and resources of a different sort are necessary for even anomalous behaviour.

2.8.2 Applications of opportunity structure theory

The theory of Opportunity Structure has been extensively utilized across diverse domains to elucidate the actions and consequences that result from uneven access to opportunities. Here are some noteworthy applications:

  1. 1.

    Crime and delinquency

    The original purpose of OST was to explain why young people got involved in gangs and other illegal activities. Youth from underprivileged families frequently do not consider official jobs or education as realistic career prospects, which leaves them vulnerable to the influence of criminal groups [80]. This theory has been used to explain urban youth gang participation, as illicit businesses give access to resources like money, status, and influence that may not be available through legal means.

  2. 2.

    Terrorism and extremism

    Involvement in terrorism and extremism has also been explained by the hypothesis. When there is social, political, or economic marginalization, marginalized groups may turn to extremism or violence to accomplish objectives that cannot be reached through legal avenues. For example, studies on the recruitment of extremists frequently emphasize how socioeconomic frustrations combined with a lack of opportunities for legal political engagement can push people toward radical ideas and violent groups [81].

2.8.3 Criticisms of opportunity structure theory

Opportunity Structure Theory has been criticized despite its wide range of applications. A primary criticism of it is that it places too much emphasis on structural elements at the detriment of personal agency. Some who disagree with the idea claim that it unintentionally absolves people of accountability for their deeds by emphasizing social restrictions over human agency and resilience. Furthermore, by concentrating mostly on crime and deviance, the theory tends to generalize the behaviour of disadvantaged groups, which could reinforce unfavourable preconceptions. One more critique of OST is that it fails to take into consideration the reality that many people who encounter the same structural limitations decide against participating in illicit or deviant behaviour. This suggests that although opportunity structures play a significant role, they do not completely dictate behaviour. People’s decisions are also influenced by social networks, psychological variables, and personal values.

2.8.4 Relevance of the theory to the study

This theory is appropriate for the study since it clarifies the mechanisms and local factors that fuelled the banditry problem and the mobilization organization. Cross-border migration from nearby nations like Niger, Chad, and Cameroon is made possible by Nigeria’s porous borders, especially in the country’s northern and northwest areas. Poverty, violence, or environmental difficulties are among the main reasons why migrants enter Nigeria from their native nations. Nevertheless they frequently find themselves with restricted access to respectable economic prospects, such official employment or education, after they arrive in Nigeria. Banditry has developed into a well-organized and profitable industry in Nigeria, especially in the northwest. Among other violent crimes, bandits take part in ransom kidnappings and cattle rustling [82]. The Opportunity Structure Theory asserts that marginalized groups are prone to resort to alternate, frequently illegal, means of accomplishing their goals when access to legal means of economic achievement is restricted or prevented. In Nigeria, a large number of bandits are active in rural areas that are underdeveloped economically and have little or no government presence. The state’s role in creating legal opportunity structures is a key component of the opportunity structure theory [83]. Nigeria’s government’s incapacity to maintain law and order, provide jobs, and offer security to its border regions has made it possible for criminal activity to proliferate. Bandits take advantage of the governance vacuum that results from the state’s absence or poor performance in many of these areas.

2.9 Methodology

The study adopted qualitative method in carrying out its investigation. Secondary sources provided the data used in the research. As a result, the public and private libraries of several colleagues and collaborators domestically provided the data for this study. In addition, the study used online resources from which pertinent publications were carefully selected. Data analysis methods from content analysis were used in the investigation. As a result, the data included in the study’s analysis were meticulously taken from logical chains of evidence that were given in a variety of publications, including journal articles, reports from international organizations, world bank statistics, conference papers, periodicals, edited books and documentary materials.

3 Presentation and discussion of findings

3.1 Descriptive statistics of banditry attacks in Nigeria

Security issues hinder socioeconomic development. Many sections of the country are under daily attacks. This has hampered economic growth in Nigeria’s North East, North Central, South–South, and South East areas. Cattle rustling, kidnapping, and other activities are part of operational routines. Cattle rustlers terrorize unsuspecting villagers at night, either for revenge or to rule.

Mercenaries sent in from adjacent nations to help out the locals have been responsible for a large number of attacks in Nigeria’s North East. The infamous Boko Haram insurgency arose as a direct consequence of this situation. Boko Haram has become a national security threat, destabilizing regional economic and commercial activity. The extremist Islamist group Boko Haram wants to impose Sharia law in northern Nigeria, causing controversy. “Boko Haram” comes from Hausa, where “boko” means non-Islamic education, especially animist or Western. Arabs use “haram” metaphorically to mean sin or something forbidden. The organization was founded in 2002 in Maiduguri by Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf. After moving to Kanamma, Yobe State, in 2004, the group established “Afghanistan.” This place was used to attack nearby police outposts, killing cops. The attackers reportedly used fuel-filled motorcycles and poisoned bows and arrows to attack a police station. Yusuf dislikes democracy and Western education and worries that unless political and educational frameworks are changed, a prolonged struggle may result. On July 30, 2004, Nigerian military soldiers arrested Yusuf and took him to the Nigeria Police for legal proceedings. Unfortunately, the Nigeria Police killed Yusuf in jail.

Abubakar Shekau led the insurgency after Yusuf died. Under his command, Boko Haram has radicalized and killed more people using various methods. He is known as “Darul Tawheed,” indicating his Tawheed competence. Islam’s core principle is the orthodox belief in Allah’s singularity and exclusivity. The Boko Haram insurgency has impacted economic and commercial activity in Nigeria’s North East. Since potential investors are no longer confidence in making large investments in the area, economic development has stagnated. These atrocities and economic destabilization in Nigeria have slowed economic growth in the North East.

As summarized in Table 3 above, criminal group activities such as Boko Haram and Bandits over the years have resulted in numerous casualties. For instance, in January 2010, four people were killed by Boko Haram in Dala Alemderi Ward, Maiduguri Metropolis, Borno State. Later in September 2010, the group released over 700 prisoners from a correctional facility in Bauchi State, showcasing their capacity to disrupt public safety and order. The group’s impact continued into 2011, with multiple attacks including a foiled “election rally bomb plot” on March 29 in Maiduguri, and a significant escalation on April 15 when a bomb exploded at the Independent National Electoral Commission’s office in Maiduguri, resulting in several deaths. Throughout 2011 and into 2012, Boko Haram was involved in numerous violent incidents, such as the bombing of the United Nations compound in Abuja on August 26, 2011, and the devastating attack on the Deeper Life Bible Church in Okene, Kogi State on August 6, 2012, which left sixteen dead. The group’s violent activities continued into late 2023 and early 2024, including a significant incident on March 7, 2024, in Kaduna State where at least 280 people were abducted in Kurigra. These events underscore the persistent and evolving threat posed by bandits and other criminal groups in the region.

Table 3 Showing the chronicle of events of terror attacks and challenges of development (2010–2022).
Full size table

4 Summary of findings, conclusion and recommendations

4.1 Summary of findings

  1. 1.

    Nigeria has struggled with ethnicity, regionalism and religion since independence in 1960. Disparities in economic, educational, and environmental development between South-South and other Nigerian regions have intensified these conflicts. Despite security precautions, permeable borders are poorly policed, contributing to these discrepancies. As a result of unlimited access to mercenaries, a disruptive presence has emerged, with negative effects on the economy. Cattle rustling, kidnapping and other criminal enterprises are all included in the operating patterns. Cattle rustlers terrorize unsuspecting villages at night to avenge their losses or take control. According to the Opportunity Structure Theory, marginalized or disadvantaged groups may turn to violent tactics in order to regain control or accomplish their goals when legitimate possibilities for progress are not dispersed fairly. These differences have probably led to situations in the South–South and other parts of Nigeria where certain people or groups believe that engaging in illegal activities like hiring mercenaries or stealing cattle is the only way to further or defend their interests. The region is further destabilized as a result of terrorist groups’ easier access to resources required for their activities due to porous borders and inadequate law enforcement.

  2. 2.

    A succession of attacks on business operations does not guarantee economic prosperity in any North East region or Nigeria. Due to repeated attacks on people, many northeastern and other Nigerian companies have closed. Crime and violence have increased in many countries, lowering quality of life. The information depicting the extent of these terror attacks on civilians is shown in ‘‘Table One’’ which highlights the chronicle of events of terror attacks and challenges of development. Social difficulties affect all socioeconomic groups, but the urban poor are especially vulnerable. The Opportunity Structure Theory states that the persistent attacks on enterprises, especially in the North East, are a sign of a dearth of real economic prospects. In order to survive or make money, people may resort to illegal activities when traditional economic channels are blocked or endangered, according to the theory. This situation creates a vicious cycle where enterprises close down due to insecurity, thus reducing economic prospects and increasing poverty. The violence and continuous instability in the North East are caused by these unmet needs. As a result of this lack of opportunities, crime and violence increase, continuing the unstable cycle.

  3. 3.

    Nigeria remains impoverished, unemployed and economically limited due to security issues. Negative acts significantly impact national economic welfare. However, poverty and low literacy rates are closely linked to this phenomenon’s detrimental social effects. Opportunity Structure Theory also provides an explanation for Nigeria’s pervasive poverty, high unemployment rate, and economic constraints, especially in areas with high levels of insecurity. Many people are compelled to live in poverty due to the lack of steady and legal employment options, which in turn pushes some people to turn to criminal activity as a viable alternative. Poverty and low literacy rates make the problem worse by limiting the opportunities available to those with less resources and abilities. This makes them more vulnerable to participating in illegal activities or being taken advantage of by criminal organizations. Due to this, the nation remains economically bankrupt and in a state of perpetual economic stagnation and insecurity.

4.2 Recommendations

Due to cross-border migration, security issues hinder Nigeria’s socio-economic growth. The following recommendations are made;

  1. 1.

    Through its many agencies, the Nigerian government should invest in human capital, including education, training, skills acquisition, health and nutrition. These elements will reinforce each other and boost economic growth while breaking the cycle of poverty in Nigeria.

  2. 2.

    The government should invest in human resources, technology and infrastructure to boost employment.

  3. 3.

    Modern security devices, equipment, and infrastructure are needed to deter unauthorised border migration.

  4. 4.

    No country or region without peace can expect investment. Therefore, it is crucial for the government to carry out its responsibilities in protecting people’s safety and property in order to promote long-term progress in the area.

4.3 Conclusion

Security in any country includes economic, political, environmental, cultural, and social challenges that influence individuals, families, communities, the nation and the world. Establishing a comprehensive national security framework that prioritizes individual well-being is essential for long-term economic growth. Through the prism of Opportunity Structure Theory, the research findings emphasize the ongoing difficulties Nigeria faces with regard to security, regional inequality, and economic stagnation. This theoretical framework offers insightful information about the ways that disparities in possibilities for legitimate pursuits feed the cycle of violence, criminality, and instability in different regions of Nigeria. This cycle is best represented by the North East and South-South regions. While the North East’s lack of economic possibilities has forced many to turn to crime as a means of survival, the South–South’s ethnic and regional imbalances have driven marginalized groups to use violent measures to promote their interests. Lack of fair economic possibilities has resulted in widespread unemployment and poverty across the nation, which has exacerbated the ongoing insecurity. The underlying causes of these differences, especially the unequal distribution of economic opportunity, must be addressed if Nigeria is to overcome major obstacles in achieving both economic development and national security.

Ultimately, the unequal distribution of legal opportunities is at the core of Nigeria’s persistent challenges with violence, economic injustice, and insecurity. A useful framework for comprehending these issues is provided by opportunity structure theory, which indicates how the absence of good economic opportunities propels people and organizations toward criminal activity. Nigeria must address these underlying gaps and provide more equitable access to social and economic opportunities throughout the nation in order to break this cycle. The country’s road to stability and growth will remain difficult in the absence of such reforms.

4.4 Novelty of research to existing literature

Many studies, including those by Umaru [66], Mashi [67], and Abdussalam et al. [39], have examined the effects of banditry on various aspects of Nigerian society but have overlooked the origins and entry points of bandits into Nigeria. These studies focus on the consequences of banditry—such as impacts on human security, economic development, and local markets—but do not address how bandits cross borders and establish their presence within the country. This omission is critical as understanding the entry points is essential for developing effective countermeasures and improving border security.

Research by Mashi [67] and Nchom [68] highlights the socio-economic impacts of banditry but fails to explore how banditry affects regional growth and development comprehensively. The effects on local economies and regional stability are significant, yet these studies do not fully analyze how banditry influences long-term development and economic prospects in affected regions. Studies such as those by Igbashangev and Tion [71] and Abdulrahman [70] touch on aspects of border security and cross-border crime but lack a detailed exploration of how bandits infiltrate Nigeria from neighbouring countries. Understanding the cross-border dynamics is crucial for implementing effective security measures and addressing the root causes of banditry. The current research findings offer new insights that address these gaps in the existing literature. The research highlights that historical and ongoing ethnic, regional, and religious conflicts have exacerbated banditry in Nigeria. Disparities in development between regions, especially between the South–South and other parts of Nigeria, have intensified these conflicts. Permeable and poorly policed borders have facilitated the entry of mercenaries and bandits, leading to increased criminal activities such as cattle rustling and kidnapping.