1 Introduction

Rapid urbanisation in Africa is concomitant with multiple problems chief among these being urban mobility challenges [1]. Urban mobility refers to all the dynamics of the movement of people and goods in cities from a strategic perspective [2, 3]. Increasingly urban mobility issues continue to be neglected in the urban development agenda as governments focus more on the construction of highways and other high-level transport infrastructure, yet urban mobility issues are a complex web [4]. This neglect of a holistic perspective towards understanding urban mobility issues in cities stems from the nature of cities and people who are inherently complex. In Africa, urban mobility problems largely stem from the establishment of unserviced settlements, often disconnected from the city’s transport system [5]. Specifically, it was shown in 2020 that 23.3% of the urban population in sub-Saharan Africa had public transport coverage while 30.7% of the urban population had convenient access to public transport [6].

These statistics indicate that while African cities urbanise rapidly and governments commit to creating liveable human settlements and cities where urbanites are connected to vibrant transport systems and networks, the realities are a stark contrast to the plans and aspirations [4]. Yet, in most instances, livability of African cities is compromised by the inability to meet the mobility needs of an increased population, mainly the urban poor [7]. The significance of urban mobility has been echoed by several proponents who show evidence of economic growth, reduction in road accidents and social cohesion attributed to functional urban mobility systems [8]. Cities experiencing urban mobility challenges, for example, Nairobi in Kenya, are often disconnected, driving a wedge between land uses and urban mobility [9]. The lack of integration has compromised urban sustainability and is largely attributed to the complexity of cities [10]. Therefore, the persistence of such urban mobility problems derails and stifles the envisaged plans and aspirations of achieving safe and inclusive cities as espoused in sustainable development goals (SDG) #11. Moreover, the aspirations of healthy cities envisaged in SDG#3 also remain pipeline dreams, unless concerted efforts and initiatives are undertaken to redress the problem.

Many studies exist on the future of mobility in African cities [4, 11]. These studies have tended to focus on non-motorised transport solutions and often situated in large metros and capital cities [12]. We argue urban mobility in cities such as Maseru in Lesotho have been under-explored albeit the persistence of multiple urban mobility challenges in the city. Urban mobility is a complex system involving the interaction of multiple components and agents with non-linear relationships and feedback loops [13]. The system comprises infrastructure, people, modes of transport, mobility services, policies and legislations guiding urban mobility. The interaction between these components is dynamic and varies over time and space, creating obstacles that may impede predicting the system’s behaviour [14]. These different mobility modes’ functioning relies on passenger demand, maintenance, repair schedules, policies and legislation. Eventually, congestion will increase trip duration, pollution and travel time, impacting health, economic productivity [13] and urban livability [15].

Urban mobility must be explored through a complexity lens because cities represent a multitude of strongly intertwined systems that include social, environmental and economic subsystems [10, 16]. The complexity of urban mobility is evident from how urban mobility impacts different urban cities. For example, urban mobility impacts segregation through connecting people to employment opportunities [17], contribute to climate change adaptation through reduction on carbon emission [18], enhances urban liveability through reduction of accidents when roads are safer [19] and improves the financial wellbeing of commuters through reduced transport modes [20]. The situation is complicated in some African cities, including Maseru characterised by weak institutions, different urban mobility dynamics and little to no urban mobility planning, where the main modes of public transport are currently called “informal modes of transport”.

Despite land use and transport planning regulations responsible for addressing urban challenges in Maseru, transportation has become increasingly problematic and the effect on urban dwellers can no longer be overlooked. Therefore, against this background, this study explores the urban mobility realities Maseru, Lesotho. Specifically, the study applies the complexity theory in questioning the everyday experiences of the urbanites in navigating the urban mobility scape, the challenges they experience, the policy and institutional framework regulating the urban mobility system and lastly the policy options that can be adopted to enhance urban mobility in Maseru and beyond.

This study makes the following critical contributions to the theory and practice of urban mobility studies in Africa. First, it extends the analysis of Africa’s existing urban mobility dynamics. Second, the article articulates different perspectives on urban mobility in creating sustainable cities. In this regard, the study brings insights into the UN-Habitat (2022: 150) argument that addressing cities’ reliance on private transport requires the consideration of the complex mobility needs of urban communities [6]. Finally, the theoretical and conceptual implications of this study, drawing complex system theory, and urban mobility, reiterate the need for context-sensitive approaches that account for the unique challenges and opportunities facing African urban centres. Thus, the study not only contributes to the understanding of urban mobility in Maseru but also sets the stage for innovative, locally tailored solutions that can enhance the quality of urban life in Africa.

Following this introduction, the literature review and theoretical underpinning of the study are presented. The study area is defined followed by the research methodology. The findings are presented and analysed. The theoretical and policy implications section follows, providing direction for policy making. Lastly, the conclusion summarises the arguments presented in the paper and the way forward regarding urban mobility in Lesotho and Africa.

2 Literature review

2.1 Urban mobility in cities

Urban growth in most cities in the Global South has resulted in increased vehicular movement as the necessary trips urbanites need to make increase [21, 22]. Therefore, travel time, distance and transportation costs have increased significantly in these cities—a common occurrence in African, Latin America and Asian cities [23, 24]. For example, in Nairobi, Kenya over US$500 000 is lost daily and Cairo in Egypt loses US$8 billion yearly due to increased traffic jams [25, 26]. In the United Kingdom, it is estimated that approximately £30.8billion is lost annually due to traffic congestion which in some places like central London can at times move slower than a horse cart resulting in approximately 4.9 days being wasted per person each year [27]. Janusz et al., (2019) attribute the increasingly high use of vehicle movement to middle-income households while the urban poor rely on walking and public transport [23]. In Jakarta, Indonesia, rapid urban growth has been concomitant with increase in private car ownership which has been attributed to increasing urban mobility challenges in the city [28].

Concomitant with the urban growth being experienced in Global South cities has been the demand for public transport. This increased demand for public transport is evident as urbanites commute to and from work, school or other daily socio-economic activities in cities. The result is usually a constraint on the transport services which is evident from increased traffic congestions—a common occurrence in African, Latin America and Asian cities [29]. In this instance, urban mobility tends to be compromised due to the inadequacy of public transport services and infrastructure that matches the rate of urban growth [28]. Walking among the urban poor is a common phenomenon as they try to minimise transportation costs. In a study on selected Latin American cities, it was highlighted that approximately 30% of trips generated in Bogota, Sao Paulo, Santiago de Chile and Bueno Aires were through walking and these cities have somehow managed to integrate this mode of transport in the development of the cities [30]. However, in Nepal’s Kathmandu city in Asia, urban mobility is characterised by poor pedestrian facilities that fail to cater for the needs of the citizens who rely on walking [31]. The situation is equally the same in Hanoi city in Vietnam is characterised by a road network that lacks adequate technical infrastructure capable of enhancing urban mobility considering the increased vehicular flow in the city [32].

Cities in the Global South are characterised by poorly developed infrastructure and poor public transport services, constraining the urban poor’s access to mobility options. Musango et al. [33] state that much of the existing infrastructure in African cities falls within the colonial regime boundaries, failing to match the growing population. A major shortcoming in Global South cities has been road infrastructure that does not cater for the diverse mobility options, especially pedestrians and cyclists. In Hanoi city, the situation is complicated by narrow traffic environment and space in many parts of the road network which thus limits vehicular movement, especially considering the increase in motorcycles over the recent past [34]. According to Skorobogatova and Kuzmina-Merlino [35], road infrastructure is essential to urban mobility and connects cities. Most cities are struggling to keep pace with this indicator which is demonstrated through poor road infrastructure [36]. Limited infrastructure influences the lack of integrated land use in cities [37]. This oversight compromises urban mobility due to inefficient infrastructure. Consequently, road accidents are prevalent and user deaths vary considerably between and within regions. Approximately 246,000 African urban populations die in road accidents because of narrow, poorly designed roads full of potholes [38]. This includes pedestrians, where the death rate varies between 50 to 90% in South Africa and Ethiopia, respectively [39]. The situation is equally worse in some Asian countries, for example, India has a high mortality of victims that die in road accidents. It is estimated that India has 1% of the world’s vehicles but accounts for 11% of all road accident deaths and 6% of total road crashes globally [40]. These road accidents have been attributed to several factors including lack of road signs, road defects, obstacles on roads, inadequate and dysfunctional sidewalks and construction works on roads, especially major highways [41]. The statistics prove that urban mobility is a pervasive problem that calls for attention. In attempts to address these urban mobility problems, different legislation and policies are used by governments.

Globally cities have addressed mobility challenges by adopting different strategies. These can be seen through the development of integrated transport systems in countries like South Africa, Nigeria, Tanzania, India, Brazil and Vietnam [24, 42]. In South Africa, the development of a bus rapid transit (BRT) system was meant to cater to the urban poor’s public transport needs and provide sustainable mobility options [43]. Likewise, the Dakar Bus Rapid Transit Pilot Project in Senegal approved in 2017 is currently being implemented and is envisaged to carry approximately 300,000 passengers per day while reducing their travel times from 95 to 45 min [44]. Moreover, this BRT in Greater Dakar is expected to reduce existing inequalities experienced by the urban poor, especially women who have been disconnected from economic opportunities or whose commuting time was long. Brazilian cities have also made remarkable strides in urban mobility through planning for and integrating BRT in urban development planning [45].

While some plans are meant to alleviate urban mobility challenges, Lucas and Porter (2016: 130) have lamented that [46]:

“…rarely do planners of major transport projects consider their social impacts on local populations. Particularly overlooked are the lowest income groups, who have no option but to continue to conduct their daily activities in and around new transport developments, often with devastating consequences on their quality of life…”

Urban planning and legislation are critical in enhancing the functionality of urban mobility. However, while previous urban mobility planning approaches tended to focus on road and infrastructure construction, they failed to adopt a holistic approach that considers the complexity of urban mobility. In this way, the plans often failed and rather perpetuated spatial segregation and injustices as some citizens were not connected to employment opportunities. To counter such shortcomings, urban mobility in Sao Paulo, Brazil, recognises the need to connect commuters using public transport, especially the urban poor to employment opportunities, housing and educational facilities [47]. This consideration greatly reduces travelling time, costs and risks associated with public transport, much to the advantage of the urban poor. Furthermore, environmental issues ought to be considered in urban mobility planning since some urban mobility systems contribute significantly to carbon emission. The European Union has been advocating for the development of sustainable and climate neutral mobility systems premised on the concept of sustainable urban mobility plans. The plans emphasize participatory approaches, gaining system insights, visioning and foresight, experimenting and implementing and monitoring and evaluation of the dynamic issues associated with urban mobility [48]. However, most Global South, for example, cities in Ghana lack comprehensive or operational urban mobility plans which greatly compromises the effectiveness of urban mobility systems [49].

Abraham et al. [50] state that without planned public transport, informal alternatives have spread rapidly in cities to meet demand. Informal transport is often unregulated and characterised by unconventional transport modes, operating with flexible fares, schedules and routes [51]. Unconventional transport is constantly left out of policies and legislation and is considered unsustainable. People use public transport for affordability, and in some countries like Kenya and Uganda, sacrifice their safety by using paratransit, which is deemed a hotspot for criminal activities and sexual harassment [52]. This affirms that the development of sustainable, inclusive, and safe urban spaces is enhanced by the availability of a viable urban mobility system [53].

3 Conceptual and theoretical perspectives on urban mobility

3.1 Complexity theory

Complexity theory involves interconnected components and their interactions [54,55,56,57]. These components often exists in a chaotic or disorderly manner that makes it difficult to comprehend and make sense of [54]. In essence, complexity theory deals with issues related to systems that include urban mobility system. Nel [58] highlighted that complex systems do not exhibit emergent behaviour attributed to any single component or constituent inside the system. This notion refers to the interrelated nature of system components, which include feedback loops. The theory was primarily applied to understand unstable and unpredictable systems in natural sciences like biology and physics. [55]. The use of this theory in these disciplines was because, approaches used to address the deficiencies of systems in societies often fail to appreciate the dynamics of systems by relying on unchanging methods that are not adaptive to change [57, 59].

The complexity theory has also been applied in transdisciplinary studies largely owing to its key assumptions. Such transdisciplinary and interdisciplinary research includes urban mobility studies where the functionality and understanding of the system depends on several factors interrelated but often not integrated. For example, social dynamics relate to the economic issues including income levels, and transportation costs. These economic considerations, in turn, influence travel patterns, mode preferences, overall demand for various transportation services, dynamics interplay in a world with institutions that regulate movement and spending and infrastructure provisioning. Hence this becomes another pillar to factor in. Additionally, nature is a fundamental variable that has a substantial impact on the conditions of roads, especially in the context of evolving climate change dynamics. Understanding and responding to these dynamic complexities aligns with the principles of the complexity theory.

First, the theory assumes that there is a presence of several independent entities or actors that operate within particular systems and can include the government, private companies and research institutions [60, 61]. This assumption holds in urban mobility systems revealing the existence and presence of different entities such as infarastructure (roads, terminals, traffic lights and street lights etc.), regulations (laws and norms that guide the daily operations), institutions that provide long and short term strategies to ensure the viability and functionality of the urban mobility system. Second, these actors or entities are diverse and regarding urban mobility these may include informal and formal institutions, small-scale and large scale, private and public and their mandates may be different and diverse [54, 57]. Third, there is some level of connections between the entities and actors within a system [57]. For example, the complexity comes out in how these actors and entities interact showing the flows and networks within the system. This is true with the urban mobility system which also reveals such interactions and flows. Fourth, the connection between entities and actors tend to yield some interactions that lead to some change [54, 57]. The impact of such changes varies, with good or negative outcomes depending on how the interactions within the urban mobility system unfold [62]. Strategies used within the urban mobility system can have far-reaching consequences, both positive and negative, on various components of the system. Occasionally, unforeseen repercussions arise which may have not been anticipated by planners and regulators of the urban mobility system. For example, inflation can cause sudden shifts in travel behaviours that affect overall travel demand.

4 Research materials and methods

4.1 Study area: Main North 1 Road

The data used in this study was collected in Maseru, Lesotho. Lesotho, a country landlocked by South Africa is made up of ten districts, with a population of 2,159,067 [63]. Maseru is the capital and has experienced rapid growth since the early 1980s (see Fig. 1). The city boundaries expanded from 3 to 143 km due to rapid urbanisation, leading to unplanned peri-urban areas estimated at over 70% [63]. In Maseru, the population has grown from approximately 393,154 in 1996 to 431,998 in 2006 and home to 519,186 in 2016 [39]. The growth is estimated to grow at 2.3% rate annually [64]. This surge is highly attributed to the presence of various economic and livelihood opportunities [65]. Nonetheless, it remains the most fragmented city with an inadequate urban mobility system double that of African cities with more people living in urban areas, which shows how broken the existing urban mobility is.

Fig. 1
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Map of Lesotho showing the city of Maseru. Source (Authors, 2020)

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The Main North 1 was selected as the focal point for this research (see Fig. 2). The Main North 1 road serves as a critical artery for regional connectivity as it passes through the central business district on the northern side of the city. It serves the northern population in the four districts of Teyateyaneng, Leribe, Butha Buthe, and Mokhotlong. The Main North 1 road is the busiest route adjacent to major transportation hubs, serving as a gateway connecting passengers to various destinations across Lesotho. Therefore, the Main North 1 prominence in linking key geographical locations in the city makes it an ideal study area. The road allows for a broader implication on the overall regional mobility in the country.

Fig. 2
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Map showing main north 1 road in Maseru, Lesotho. Source (Authors, 2020)

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4.2 Research approach and data collection methods

The study was qualitative and adopted an exploratory case study design to gain indepth understanding of urban mobility system. Data was collected using both primary and secondary methods. First, primary data was collected through observations, photography, and key informant interviews. Using a purposive sampling technique [66], twenty-six semi-structured interviews were conducted with five key stakeholders involved in planning, operating, and managing urban mobility in Maseru. The selection of 26 participants is supported by Creswell (2014) and Maree (2016) indicating that in qualitative, there are no rules for sample size and most qualitative research findings show that 12 interviews can generate accurate information with a high confidence level [67, 68]. The interviewed stakeholders included taxi associations, early career planners, Maseru City Council (MCC) planners, road directorates, and a GIS specialist. The administered interview questions were structured in sections tailored to understand the intricate nature of urban mobility system in Maseru, gaining insight into the planning and implementation process of urban mobility in Maseru. The interview questions covered land use planning guiding urban mobility, constraining factors on urban mobility, and respondents’ perceptions of the urban mobility system in Maseru.

Each interview was approximately 40 min and sought to understand the dynamics and perspectives of the urban mobility system in Maseru. Lockdown restrictions in response to COVID-19 changed data collection in qualitative research due to restricted movement and forced researchers to use online data collection processes. Only eight respondents were interviewed using face-to-face conversations. These included two taxi drivers, five planners, and a road technician from MCC. At the same time, the rest were interviewed using phone calls or internet-based means of communication (email and Zoom). This was because of Lockdown restrictions in response to COVID-19 which changed data collection due to restricted movement and forced researchers to use online data collection processes. Secondly, document review of relevant policies and legislation relating to urban mobility system in Maseru informed secondary data method adopted in this research. These include Constitution of Lesotho Adopted 1993 as amended 2001, National Strategic Development Plans, Town and Country Act No. 11 of 1980, transport policies and studies. The document reviewed provided the theoretical framework for urban mobility system in Maseru.

Data analysis was deductive and included content and thematic analysis. Content analysis was applied to secondary data and thematic analysis to primary data. Following the deductive analysis specified by Bingham and Witkowsky (2021), data were sorted into organisational categories and included primary and secondary data. Data were organised into categories that were informed by the research questions [69]. Next, we developed codes that included mobility systems used in the city, land use planning guiding urban mobility, constraining factors on urban mobility, and respondents’ perceptions of the urban mobility system in Maseru. Content and thematic analysis ensured a robust and complementary analytical framework, allowing a holistic understanding of the interplay between land use planning, legislation, and urban mobility system in Maseru. Thematic analysis provided rich and contexualized understanding of the urban mobility system in Maseru while direct quotes included in this study from the participants enhanced authenticity of the findings. Additionally, graphs, charts and photographs facilitated visual presentation of the findings.

5 Findings and discussion

At the heart of effective urban development lies the interplay between urban mobility, land use planning, structures, and policies. In this context, current state on the perception of urban mobility is presented, followed by the institutional and legislative framework guiding urban mobility and land use planning including the key stakeholders involved in the planning and operations of transportation.

5.1 The complex urban mobility system in Maseru

The existing urban mobility system is composed of infrastructure, public and private transportation. The landscape of urban mobility in Maseru is undergoing a profound transformation marked by the increased rate of urbanization that has put pressure on the infrastructure and the existing transportation system. This shift has translated into a high reliance on private vehicles usage, leaving those who are unable to afford own vehicle forced to use minibus taxis and cabs as the only option available for short and long-distance travel.

5.2 limited use of mass transit modes leading to congestion dilemmas

Respondents revealed that the increased use of private cars caused by the influx of motor vehicles from Japan and Singapore worsened the traffic congestion in Maseru. This is emphasised by Mr R (lecturer and researcher):

Take a scenario where every family member owns a car, and every morning they all drive themselves to work, and chances are that they work in the city centre because that is where all economic activities are located.

For planners and taxi agencies, the existing public transport in Maseru is expensive, which was made even worse by the COVID-19 pandemic because people lost their jobs. Public transport is unreliable and operates at full capacity and not time. This means that taxis cannot travel without 100% occupancy, which causes delays. Considering the complex urban mobility issues presented, it is also critical to reflect on E-hailing services, also known as ride-hailing services or app-based transportation services. These are platforms that connect passengers with drivers using smartphone applications. The services allow passengers to request rides, view driver information, track their vehicle’s location in real-time, and make cashless payments for the ride. Popular e-hailing companies include Uber, Lyft, Didi Chuxing, and Grab, among others. While these services have disrupted traditional taxi industries and provided more convenient and flexible transportation options in many urban areas around the world, E-hailing services, have a dual impact on urban mobility in a city like Maseru. On the positive side, they may offer enhanced accessibility, potentially reduce car ownership, and create economic opportunities for drivers. However, on the negative side, their rapid growth can lead to increased traffic congestion, competition with traditional taxi services, and regulatory challenges. This reflects the unpredictable nature of complex systems [62, 70].

5.3 Dynamics on the state of road infrastructure along the Main North Road

The state of road infrastructure in Maseru has become the centrepiece of ongoing debates and political campaigns which unfortunately remain unfulfilled. The consensus among respondents aligned with the observations that the Main North 1 Road lacks street and traffic lights. This has created environments that are vulnerable to crime. Consequently, regulating traffic in these areas has increasingly become challenging task as reported by the police officer. In addition to these, safety has also been compromised by potholes, and the reckless driving of most public transport drivers. These has resulted in increased road fatalities and criminal activities. This is supported by Mr O who complained that:

The problem is caused by defective traffic lights resulting in traffic congestion unnecessarily supported by Mr K who indicated that …every day, there are accidents around Maseru.

The Main North 1 Road is not maintained and narrow, creating traffic congestion. On that note, planners hinted that during heavy storms, which occur often, the lack of drainage systems and the way the roads are designed lead to flooding in the road reserves, obstructing travel (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3
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Flooding on a portion of the Main North 1 Road obstructing vehicular and pedestrian movement. Source (Authors, 2020)

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In addition, drivers often must manoeuvre through existing potholes while avoiding pedestrians and street vendors encroaching in the middle of the road. The alarming increase of road fatalities, criminal activities, and deteriorating road infrastructure especially along the Main North 1 Road has compromised the liveability of the city.

The extensive travel distances required to reach economic activities are not solely confined to issues along Main North 1 Road; they impact the entire city. Furthermore, the lack of parking space (Figs. 4 and 5) has forced most motor vehicle owners to park on the roads, thus obstructing traffic flow.

Fig. 4
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Lack of parking space and narrow roads increasing traffic congestion along the Main North 1 Road

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Fig. 5
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Map showing types of urban mobility systems found along the Main North 1 Road depicted by limited parking space and pedestrian walkways, inefficient pedestrian crossings and encroachment by street vendors. Source (Authors, 2020)

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One respondent was quoted saying, “The road is too narrow and has been designed mostly for motorised transport only.” The narrow roads have limited pedestrian walkways, as shown in Figs. 6 and 7. This has created a situation where most pedestrians walk in the middle of the roads due to narrow pedestrian sidewalks. However, the provisions for pedestrians are limited (Fig. 7), leaving pedestrians vulnerable to road accidents. This statement is supported by the Maseru Urban Planning and Transport Study of 2010 Sect. 9.1:

Walking conditions are far from adequate despite the large number of pedestrians. The lack of basic, let alone dedicated and protected, sidewalks and protected crossings makes walking in Maseru a dangerous, sometimes difficult activity.

Fig. 6
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Pedestrians walking in the road reserve while others walk on a narrow gravel road. Source (Authors, 2020)

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Fig. 7
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Map showing Maseru road networks and socio-spatial distribution of economic activities. Source (Authors, 2020)

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The limited pedestrian sidewalks have been made worse by the encroachment of street vendors on the road reserve or places reserved for sidewalks. Janusz et al. [23] state that traffic is caused by prioritising motor vehicles above pedestrians in cities, resulting in competition for space and obstructing pedestrians from accessing some services.

The challenges embedded in the state of road infrastructure along the Main North Road in Maseru reveal a complex interplay of factors, echoing the principles of complexity theory [54, 57, 60, 61]. The absence of street and traffic lights, coupled with compromised safety due to potholes and reckless driving, creates a dynamic system susceptible to increased road fatalities and criminal activities. Mr. O's complaint about defective traffic lights resonates with the non-linear dynamics inherent in complex systems, where interconnected elements contribute to traffic congestion and accidents [70].

5.4 Chaos in socio-spatial distribution of economic activities along the Main North 1 Road

We found that travel behaviour along the Main North 1 Road was influenced by how economic activities were spread across the city. As depicted in Fig. 4, high and middle-order services are indicated by areas B and C, concentrated in the centre towards the east side, while low-order services were found along the Main North 1 Road; street vendor spaces were found here encroach into the middle of the road.

Area A is located along the Main North 1 Road and is characterised by low-order services (Fig. 4), mostly street vendors and shops. Area B comprises middle to high-order service and includes government services, malls, and suburban areas of Maseru. Lastly, area C is on the outskirts of town, where firms are located.

These comments go against the envisioned urban mobility, which, according to [8], contributes to the spatial ordering of the city by lessening longer commuting hours and improving the socio-economic life of city dwellers. Interviews and observations provided a distinct viewpoint on the spatial distribution of activities in Maseru, revealing centralised economic activities.

The encroachment of vending activities in Area A (Fig. 4) because of ineffective planning has perpetuated urban sprawl. This is confirmed by the town planner stating that:

70% of Maseru is not planned and most people don’t apply for planning permission.

Clearly, the socio-spatial distribution of economic activities along the Main North 1 Road adds another layer to this complexity. The encroachment of vending activities, as acknowledged by the town planner, contributes to urban sprawl and challenges the spatial ordering of the city [8]. This discrepancy between planned objectives and observed realities reflects the unpredictable nature of complex systems. In essence, the challenges in road infrastructure and economic activity distribution in Maseru, when viewed through the lens of complexity theory, emphasize the need for holistic, adaptive, and context-specific interventions.

Additionally, the integration of urban mobility in Maseru suggests a dynamic system shaped by existing policies and legislations in place as presented in the next section.

5.5 Complexity in the institutional and legislative framework guiding urban mobility and land use planning in Maseru

Urban mobility and land use planning are guided by local and international institutional legislation, and policies including the SDG, NUA and African Agenda 2030. The international agendas aim to provide sustainable urban mobility and create well-planned, liveable, and inclusive cities where no one is left behind. As [53] emphasized, international protocols like the SDG are prominent in achieving sustainable urban mobility that caters to the needs of society.

Lesotho recognises the significance of achieving SDGs and has incorporated them in its local policies and legislation. However, despite these policies and legislations in place, urban mobility challenges are becoming more prevalent. This was in line with the perceptions of road users, transport users and academics:

Our urban governance has problems, the city council in Maseru is not effective in implementing its functions relating to Maseru city, mobility included.

This perception suggests that the government has not been successful in implementation. The constitution of Lesotho, adopted in 1993 as amended in 2001, may be considered in this context. The constitution mandates preserving human rights in Sect. 20 (1). This allows for participation and aligns with the people-centred planning principle. From interviews with a taxi association, however, it was apparent that people in Maseru were continually excluded from any planning phase for urban mobility. They felt they had no right to voice opinions about what they would like to see in urban mobility planning.

In addition, Article 106 of the constitution establishes local authorities through the Local Government Act of 1997 [71]. The Town and Country Act, No. 11 of 1980 and the Local Government Act of 1997 are primary laws guiding urban and regional planning in the country. The Local Government Act of 1997 highlights local authorities’ responsibilities However, there appears to be a lack of policies that specifically address land use planning and growing transportation challenges. This was confirmed by a physical planner Mrs. E who recalled that “We once had a land use planning department, but it is no longer in operation.”

In Maseru, urban mobility and land use are administered by the MCC and Road Directorate. MCC consist of physical planners responsible for urban mobility and land use issues. Additionally, the Roads Directorate is guided by the Transport Policy of 2010. The policy’s vision is to create sustainable development in transport. Respondents revealed that the institutions have overlapping responsibilities in dealing with urban mobility, ultimately straining service delivery. This was supported by a chief technical officer from the Roads Directorate:

The blurry lines between the two institutions responsible for planning for urban mobility has put a strain on service delivery, perpetuating the urban mobility challenges further.

Planners, road directorates, and police officers feel that planning for urban mobility and regulating mobility in the city is guided by outdated policies inherited from the colonial government. This aligns with [4], who argued that most of the policies fail to address the realities of Africa’s urban mobility challenges. The police officer commented that:

We are guided by the Road Transport Act of 1981 which states that one must pay M30 for a spot fine, driving without a license, so people are not afraid of crossing the law.

Moreover, the old policies and regulations guiding urban mobility and land use planning still depend on the central government. This confirms [11] who argued that the central government in African cities hold the power to influence and make decisions on service delivery. This overrides the decisions made by local authorities for implementing development as they see fit.

As more and more people moved into the city, the failure of existing legislation was increasingly recognised. Thus, the Decentralisation policy of 2014, guided by equitability, participation, transparency and promoting livelihood security, was formulated. Many thoughts of the policy as the hope to distress the city centre and relieve urban mobility, as stated by the town planners. However, the policy was never put into operation. Fast forward to 2019, the National Strategic Development Plan (2019–2023) was formulated to achieve the nation’s vision. This included climate change mitigation through improving transport systems and social infrastructure. However, most of these initiatives were not enforced.

The Maseru Urban Planning and Transport Study was developed to guide urban mobility and land use planning [72]. It advocated for the use of public transport, increased parking prices, decentralising services to decrease the population coming into the city and, a change of lifestyle, which encouraged more compact or transit-oriented development in the city. The study was not enacted through policies and procedures. The physical planners confirmed that Maseru was never planned, indeed the findings show no land use or master plan for Maseru thus far. Although they are in the process of formulating one, a lecturer and researcher from the National University of Lesotho commented by saying:

Just like any other plan in Maseru that failed to see the light of day, I have no hope for this one.

Failure to implement legislation and policies has curbed the progress of some projects, which may confound the current urban mobility situation in Maseru. After all, without implementation, policies become just wishful thinking. Table 1 briefly summarizes the laws and regulations governing land use planning and urban mobility.

Table 1 Policy and legislative framework guiding urban mobility in Maseru, Lesotho
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Maseru still relies on outdated colonial-era policies, like The Town and Country Act of 1980 and the 1997 Local Government Act. Urban planning remains centralized and excludes active participation from the public and key stakeholders, perpetuating urban mobility issues. This adherence to colonial systems hampers African cities’ ability to address modern challenges.

The institutional and legislative landscape governing urban mobility and land use planning in Maseru reflects a complex system shaped by both local and international frameworks. Despite the incorporation of global agendas such as the SDGs, NUA, and African Agenda 2030 into Lesotho’s policies, challenges persist, emphasizing the complex nature of translating international aspirations into effective local action [60]. The disconnect between policy formulation and effective implementation, as observed in Lesotho, aligns with the non-linear dynamics inherent in complex systems [57]. The overlapping responsibilities between institutions, blurry lines in planning, and reliance on outdated policies inherited from colonial governance create a tangled web that impedes service delivery and contributes to urban mobility challenges. Complexity theory highlights the unpredictability and emergent properties within such systems, emphasizing the need for adaptive strategies [54, 62].

6 Theoretical and policy implications

The study findings demonstrate the complexity inherent in Maseru's urban mobility system, revealing a pronounced gap between existing institutional and legislative frameworks guiding urban mobility and the actual situation in the city. Despite the advocacy for sustainable and inclusive urban mobility within international frameworks like the SDGs, NUA, and African Agenda 2030, Maseru struggles to align its practices with these ideals, showcasing the challenges associated with translating global agendas into effective local action [55]. This disconnect is attributed to factors such as weak institutional capacity, limited resources, lack of coordination, corruption, resistance to change, and inadequate monitoring and evaluation of projects [62].

While Lesotho acknowledges the significance of the SDGs and incorporated them into local policies and legislation, a clear gap persists between policy formulation and effective implementation. Notably, the urban planning process lacks inclusivity, particularly concerning citizens relying on public transport, who feel marginalized in shaping urban mobility policies. Additionally, the lack of coordination among institutions responsible for urban mobility planning perpetuates challenges, risking the deterioration of the city if corrective measures are not taken [54].

The smart cities concept, emphasizing technology and data-driven approaches in urban planning, encounters significant implementation challenges in Maseru due to limited capacity, both in skills and financial resources. Despite the allure of sustainable urban mobility plans through technological advancements, the city faces hindrances, as highlighted by [73], with marginalized groups often left out of smart mobility solutions, exacerbating urban mobility challenges.

Applying complex systems theory to the complex nature of urban mobility in Maseru reveals a network of interacting components, including infrastructure, people, transport modes, mobility services, and policies [60, 62]. Dynamic interactions among these components lead to non-linear relationships and feedback loops, making accurate predictions of the system’s behaviour challenging [57, 61]. The study cites traffic congestion as an example, influenced by passenger demand, maintenance schedules, and policies, resulting in adverse consequences such as increased travel time, pollution, and reduced urban liveability. Addressing Maseru's urban mobility demands adaptive strategies that consider the complex interactions among private car usage, public transport inefficiencies, economic conditions, and disruptive technologies, aligning with the core tenets of complexity theory [54, 60, 61].

Moreover, the study findings align with broader trends in African cities, reflecting the impact of rapid urbanization on vehicular movement, travel times, and transportation costs. Inefficient public transport services disproportionately affect the urban poor, while inadequate road safety measures and poorly designed roads contribute to high rates of road accidents among vulnerable road users. Despite the adoption of global agendas like the SDGs and the NUA, Maseru's inconsistent implementation of sustainable mobility solutions allows informal transport modes to persist due to their affordability, despite safety concerns.

Although SDGs and NUA have been integrated into Lesotho’s local policies and legislation, the urban mobility realities in Maseru bring us to question the policies for achieving sustainable, inclusive, and efficient urban mobility. A gap still exists between the strategies formulated to address urban mobility challenges and the reality. The findings of this study demonstrate the need for a holistic and context-specific approach to urban mobility in African cities. To bridge the gap between theoretical ideals and on-the-ground realities, several recommendations emerge:

  • Maseru should prioritize aligning its local policies and legislation with international frameworks like the SDGs and NUA. However, equal emphasis should be placed on effective implementation, ensuring that marginalized groups have a voice in the planning process.

  • Investments in skills development and technology adoption are necessary to make smart mobility solutions feasible. Partnerships with the private sector and international organizations may be explored to leverage resources and expertise.

  • Improving road infrastructure and implementing regular maintenance is critical to reducing traffic congestion, accidents, and the associated economic losses. The allocation of sufficient resources to these efforts is paramount.

  • To address the spatial distribution of economic activities, efforts should be made to decentralize services and create more compact, transit-oriented developments. This can reduce the reliance on long commutes and alleviate congestion in the city centre.

  • To encourage the use of sustainable public transport options, policymakers should focus on affordability, reliability, and efficiency. Implementing policies that prioritize pedestrians and cyclists, along with safety measures, is essential.

  • Urban mobility planning should involve various stakeholders, including urban planners, transport authorities, local authorities, and citizens. A more inclusive and interdisciplinary approach can lead to solutions that address the unique challenges of each city.

  • Implementing a decentralisation policy that while the population increases, the pressure on the urban mobility system decreases because of the secondary and tertiary nodes, which will be linked to all parts of the city and hopefully throughout Lesotho.

  • Reviewing outdated legislation and policies and amending to ones that are more effective in dealing with the complex issues affecting urban mobility today and in the future. It is through policy that problems can be addressed and hopefully solved.

7 Framework for efficient urban mobility in complex system

The developed framework presented in Fig. 8 is guided by the findings and discussions in this paper to understand the complexities of urban mobility system in Maseru. The components in an urban mobility system include the various interactions and feedback loops between the different components of the system. Changes in transportation policies might affect user behaviors, or how changes in user preferences might drive change in transportation infrastructure.

Fig. 8
figure 8

Framework for efficient urban mobility system in Maseru

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An efficient urban mobility system requires an integration of sustainable transportation modes such as Non-Motorised Transport (NMT), and productive public mobility. These demands an understanding of pedestrian preferences and behaviour to develop policies and legislations that cater to the needs of the people and adhere to urban mobility realities. Developing an inclusive and sustainable mobility system also requires stakeholder engagement. Stakeholder engagements include a bottom-up approach where city planners, transport planners, the public and all relevant stakeholders are engaged from the inception phase throughout. Technology advancement has been central to sustainable solutions to urban mobility challenges. Therefore, there is a need to incorporate technology solutions such as real schedules, advanced parking systems, smart traffic management and continuously analysing and optimizing the urban mobility system’s performance by adopting a data analysis approach. Moreover, investments in transport infrastructure improve safety by addressing existing infrastructural deficiencies. Evidently, urban mobility in Maseru is faced with multiple challenges that can be addressed by viewing urban mobility as a system.

8 Conclusion

This study examined the unique challenges faced by African cities and interplay between urban mobility, urban planning, and legislation. Through a comprehensive approach that combined interviews, observations, and mapping, the study explored the prevalent urban mobility challenges along Maseru’s Main North 1 Road. The findings paint a vivid picture of a city grappling with mobility issues that fail to meet its residents’ needs. This study contributes to the existing body of knowledge on urban mobility, offering a holistic understanding of the multifaceted challenges within a complex urban mobility system. The study’s multi-disciplinary approach pinpointed critical issues, particularly within the context of African cities, where urban mobility is shaped by diverse factors. Urban mobility challenges are on the rise, necessitating a fundamental reconsideration of urban planning strategies and problem-solving approaches. The urgency of the situation highlights the need for innovative, context-specific solutions rooted in the realities of African cities.

Drawing from the theoretical and conceptual perspectives on complex system theory, and urban mobility in African cities, the study unveiled critical implications. First, the notion of technology-driven urban development, needs to be reevaluated within the African context. While technology undoubtedly plays a role, our findings highlight the significance of institutional capacity, inclusive planning, and sustainable development models as equally vital components of urban mobility system. Complex system theory, as applied in this study, reveals the intricate web of interactions within urban mobility systems. This study reaffirms that urban mobility is not merely a linear problem with straightforward solutions. Instead, it is a complex, dynamic, multi-layered system influenced by various factors, from infrastructure and policy to economic activities and societal behaviours. Acknowledging this complexity is essential in devising effective interventions.

Lastly, the study reaffirms the unique urban mobility challenges and opportunities faced by African cities regarding. African cities must navigate historical legacies, rapid urbanization, and resource constraints, which set them apart from their global counterparts. Thus, the theoretical and conceptual implications suggest that tailored, context-specific approaches to urban mobility are imperative for addressing the pressing challenges faced by African cities.

In conclusion, the study emphasizes the pressing need for fresh approaches to urban mobility and urban planning that are organically crafted in the African context. This entails reevaluating existing policies, bridging gaps in institutional capacity, fostering inclusivity in planning processes, and prioritizing the safety and well-being of all urban residents. Urban mobility should no longer be viewed as a stand-alone concern but rather as an integral part of the broader quest for sustainable and inclusive cities in Africa. Looking ahead, areas for further research beckon, particularly in exploring the historical evolution of transport planning in Lesotho and its profound influence on the city’s form. By looking into the past, insights can be gleaned into how urban mobility challenges have evolved and identify potential lessons to inform future strategies.