This chapter describes the document survey results mainly with dataset B based on the abovementioned framework but focusing on the realm of 1. Applying Community Resilience to Practice and A. Societal Systems. I included some important and influential documents that were excluded from data B in the survey to provide supplementary explanation. For descriptive insights, I focused on four analytical viewpoints: stability, recovery, adaptability, and transformability, if applicable, as some documents did not explicitly discuss these viewpoints and did not differentiate, for instance, between recovery and transformability and between adaptability and transformability. Furthermore, unless it was necessary to do so, I did not identify differences between processes and outcomes for community resilience because processes are eventually measurable outcomes in practice (Cutter et al. 2016). The concept of resilience includes dynamic systems that contain feedback systems in order to allow processes to be analyzed as measurable outcomes (refer to 1.1 of this paper).
Before conducting the survey, I took note of two things. First, I determined the academic domains of documents through their keywords based on their abstracts and, if necessary, full-text contents. In addition, as stated above, some documents might be cited and categorized in Cluster 2 while their primary focus could be closer to Cluster 1. Therefore, although the framework shows an overview of academic studies on community resilience, I checked the documents in all clusters and recategorized them manually in their appropriate main focus clusters for documents in categories A and B and, if necessary, C.
Second, in surveying the documents, I excluded those that do not focus on community resilience (such as household resilienceFootnote 2); those that assess community resilience in a general sense or merely evaluate specific projects related to it;Footnote 3 those that provide indicators, models, or concepts of community resilience (I considered them in clusters 2 and 3Footnote 4); those that emphasize a small aspect of community resilience such as earthquake evacuation; and those that seem largely unrelated to the main flow of the discussion below.
Achievements in community resilience on societal systems
The influential documents defined the following major elements of community resilience: economic, social, information, competence, natural, and spatial. Community resilience is a process to explore these aspects or their outcomes (capacities, resources) promoting robustness, redundancy, resourcefulness, and rapidity or rapid accessibility (4 s) (Bruneau et al. 2003). However, many documents focus on only one aspect or several. Therefore, this section explains achievements based on these elements alongside other topics identified by the document survey, starting from the most discussed element.
a. Bonding and bridging social capital
Several documents in the survey highlighted social capital and discussed it as a contributing factor to community resilience or its proxy indicators. The concept of social capital, while ambiguous, encompasses different views and “can be regarded as a collective asset in the form of social relations, shared norms, and trust that facilitate cooperation and collective action for mutual benefits” (Bhandari and Yasunobu 2009, p. 491). Moreover, in terms of its network scopes, social capital can be classified into three: bonding, bridging, and linking. “Bonding social capital refers to relationships among members of a network who are similar in some form… [b]ridging social capital refers to relationships among people who are dissimilar in a demonstrable fashion, such as age, socio-economic status, race/ethnicity and education… [l]inking social capital is the extent to which individuals build relationships with institutions and individuals who have relative power over them” (Hawkins and Maurer 2010, p.1779–1780).
Particularly important within communities, as Murphy (2007) put it, are social capital resources both in community groups (bonding) and between these groups (bridging) and local municipal authorities (linking), which may work toward improving community resilience against risks and hazards, which, according to case studies, include electric power blackouts and water-borne disasters. In terms of function, social capital is associated with stability or recovery. If a document discusses enhancements or alterations to social capital, with its direct link to social structure, transformability is one of its main viewpoints. Documents in this subsection discuss bonding and bridging social capital, and the following subsection deals with linking social capital.
Community resilience as a process in normal circumstances As a process in normal situations, community resilience is studied not only in terms of social interaction but also in terms of intervention projects that can build it. Without using the term (community) resilience, a large number of documents highlighted the importance of mobilizing local social resources for community-based disaster preparedness, mitigation, response, and recovery.
Social capital for enhancing community resilience Defining resilience as a dynamic social process partly determined by communities’ ability to act collectively and solve common problems, Smith et al. (2012) developed a framework in which various social interaction patterns define the community resilience process with emphasis on how communities adapt and respond to dynamic environmental conditions. Through case studies of forest-dependent communities within Southern Appalachia, the study found that different community resilience processes can take place in communities with similar levels of resource dependence; such processes are defined by a community’s composition of internal social ties and cross-scale linkages to external agencies and organizations.
Finkbeiner (2015), focusing on small-scale fishing communities in Mexico, evaluated fishing cooperative characteristics and environmental conditions as possible predictors of cooperatives’ relative ability to diversify. The study found that diversification was crucial for risk mitigation and income stabilization (stability); whereas, the cooperatives’ ability to specialize during favorable conditions might significantly help alleviate poverty and accumulate wealth. Therefore, the flexibility to switch among fishing strategies given the changing environmental conditions is important for the target population’s adaptive capacity.
Enhancing social capital for community resilience To recognize the importance of social capital and enhance it, some documents proposed several projects. Freitag et al. (2014) presented cases of local community intervention in Washington State in the United States, and found the importance of bonding social capital. An asset-based appreciative inquiry approach was adopted, starting with workshops in which stakeholders identified built, natural, and social assets that strengthen human well-being (HWB) and then introduced earthquake scenarios that affect HWB. Then the participants identified assets that could facilitate adaptation to changed circumstances (a new normal) and discussed how such assets would achieve comprehensive community planning, hazard mitigation, and disaster recovery goals. Finally, neighborhood-scale social organization emerged as an important priority. This document deals with the transformability of community resilience, which is exemplified by the new normal.
Community resilience as a process during disaster recovery This section discusses the critical role of bonding social capital in the post-disaster phase as well as its possible negative effects on some people such as the marginalized. In addition, establishing social networks and systematic communication on normal days as practiced in time banking, for instance, will play a significant role in disaster recovery. The negative side of community resilience will then be described here.
Social capital as double-edged sword According to Aldrich and Meyer (2015), community resilience is the collective ability of a neighborhood or geographical area to cope with stressors and cooperate with one another to efficiently resume daily life activities after disasters and other critical events. This is called recovery. The study presented empirical evidence of how social capital, as a resource, strongly influences community resilience. The findings showed that social capital positively contributes to disaster resilience by encouraging resistance against different disaster recovery needs; in the case of Hurricane Katrina, for example, neighborhoods with higher voter turnouts before the storm were more successful at rejecting the placement of temporary trailer housing. However, the study also highlighted the potential drawbacks of social capital, especially bonding social capital, such as the assumption of control over the aid distribution process, which excludes the marginalized.
Regarding such disadvantages, Wickes et al. (2015) maintained that while social capital may reduce local community problems under normal conditions (stability), its effect may be limited in alleviating community distress in a post-disaster environment (recovery). In addition, community disadvantages, the concentration of vulnerable and ethnically diverse groups, and high-level residential mobility in the pre-disaster environment prevent communities from recovering after a disaster. In contrast, a neighborhood’s structural conditions before floods have lasting and negative effects on community problems.
Time banking for community resilience As part of social capital, time banking is also studied as a contributor to community resilience. Ozanne and Ozanne’s (2016) case study in New Zealand explained how time banks facilitate dyadic exchanges, meet members’ practical needs, and build diverse skills. The study aimed to determine the broad capabilities developed in the time bank economy and demonstrate how these are mobilized following a series of earthquakes, facilitating community resilience. The study found that time banks gradually built a robust communication and social network that encouraged members to solve diverse practical problems facing the community. Moreover, the network fostered a strong sense of community-based on reciprocity and egalitarian values. Despite being created as a marketplace for local services, it galvanized adaptive capacities, eventually building community resilience during disaster relief and reconstruction. From these viewpoints, time banks could facilitate stability (in normal conditions), recovery, adaptability, and potentially transformability, as adopting time banks requires social structural change. Cretney et al. (2016) obtained the same findings using the same case study area.
Community resilience as an outcome in normal conditions Cutter et al. (2016) considered (bonding) social capital as an element of community capital. The study employed a suite of spatial and statistical techniques using an established community resilience measure, the BRIC, which is based on proxy indicators (refer to Sect. 2.3.2). The study focused on explaining the discrepancy in resilience between U.S. urban and rural areas. It performed nonparametric rank analysis, analysis of variance, and logistic regression to describe the relations between rurality and disaster resilience in contrast to that in urban areas. The binary logistic regression results revealed notable distinctions in the driving factors or characteristics of resilience in rural America compared with those in metropolitan America. In urban areas, disaster resilience is primarily driven by economic capital; whereas, in rural areas, community capital is the most important guiding factor of resilience. Rural areas, especially at the county level, have considerable spatial variability in disaster resilience components, suggesting that resilience enhancement cannot be realized via a one-size-fits-most strategy. Nevertheless, because the study adopted proxy indicators for community resilience, its viewpoints are unclear.
Usamah et al. (2014), in a study of two local communities with informal land tenures in a rural province in the Philippines, found that the community’s social domains support their strong perceptions of resilience against the impacts of disasters. The study focused on the community’s preparedness in responding to potential natural hazards that may turn into disasters for the surrounding community, which is regarded as outcome and stability. The residents have inbuilt resilience resulting from their view of disasters as part of life, strong social bonds, and governmental awareness of the validity of informal settlements.
Baek et al. (2015) proposed a sociotechnical framework for the design of collaborative services to foster community resilience in a farmers’ market in Milan, Italy, which is viewed as transformability. The study found that the design of technical systems could strengthen social systems’ resilience if the systems’ state can be understood and concrete design problems identified. The framework revealed community resilience-related problems in the form of social network characteristics, which can be addressed by design interventions such as service strategies for human relations or resource management.
Community resilience as an outcome during disaster recovery One of the features here is that the documents measured community resilience based on respondents’ subjective evaluation. The first two documents assessed community resilience according to respondents’ perceptions while the last study discussed it qualitatively. Despite the recovery period being an indicator of community resilience, setting one recovery point for community life is debatable because residents have varying opinions on the feeling of recovery. Because community resilience is connected with recovery periods, these documents consider community resilience as an outcome.
Bonding social capital for recovery Townshend et al. (2015) focused on the role of disaster resilience and capacity building in community recovery (however, I regard this focus as an outcome of a measurable process). This study was based on a potentially important link between place-based social cohesion and resilience and used Buckner’s Index of Cohesion and the Index of Perceived Community Resilience. Perceived community resilience consists of respondents’ subjective evaluation of social aspects, which might constitute general resilience. The study compared the cohesion and resilience indices of four Canadian rural communities, which have potentially different phases of coping and resilience and which experienced disasters and evacuation, finding a consistent significant positive correlation between cohesion and resilience despite variations in the strength of relationships.
Cagney et al. (2016), based on the finding that less attention paid to the social infrastructure may affect a community’s rebuilding capacity, examined perceptions of preparedness and recovery (markers of community-level resilience could be regarded as stability and recovery) in the wake of Superstorm Sandy with a novel dataset that included a multimode survey of 12 severely affected neighborhoods. According to the findings, social resources (defined as higher social cohesion, informal social control, and social exchange) tended to affect recovery perceptions more in communities less affected by the storm. Moreover, the study suggested the potential value of different social interventions to better equip communities on disaster response.
Madsen and O’Mullan (2016) reported a qualitative participatory action study in a small rural Australian town that has suffered from a series of flood events. The study conceptualized community resilience as communities learning to adapt (adaptability) and transform (transformability) in response to life’s uncertainties and concluded that social capital is crucial to community resilience, and while resilience is tested only during adversity, social capital needs to be developed well before natural disasters occur.
b. Linking social capital
This subsection deals with linking social capital, which can be referred to as relations with public entities such as governments and public libraries in the context of community resilience approaches. Like documents on bonding and bridging social capital, studies on linking social capital also discuss transformability in terms of changing social structures and reorganizing responsibilities.
Relations between the community resilience process and governments on normal conditions In relation to community resilience as a process, Wilson (2013b) discussed the complex interconnections between community resilience and policy corridors. Policy corridors refers to “macro-scalar exogenous processes and pathways that shape human decision-making at multiple scales that influence environmental and societal transitions” (Wilson 2013b, p. 299). The study stated that although building strong community resilience is often an endogenous process linked to local customs, community-level actors cannot always be left on their own to forge their resilience pathways without state interference. Resilience transitions need some external regulations, and in most cases, the state has to play at least some role in guiding and influencing the shift toward strong community resilience; that is, resilience is not made and does not emerge out of a vacuum but is rather transferred through complex processes of policy and other exchanges between communities and wider society. Therefore, the study proposed that the state and communities establish a new contract, as new forms of institutionalization, regulation, and spatialization become significant in the uneven development of resilience spaces. Despite focusing on the nation-state, the study’s argument may also apply to other external factors such as municipalities. Such a discussion is highly associated with transformability.
Relations among these actors are essential for community resilience, but certain challenges to effective cooperation remain. According to Singh-Peterson et al. (2015), emergency management in Australia has recently transitioned from a command-and-control civil defense structure to one that promotes shared responsibility between governments, businesses, nongovernment entities, communities, and individuals. Governments are still seen as largely responsible for the case study’s disaster resilience; however, local community groups consisting of volunteers are also deemed generally liable for disaster resilience despite their obvious limitations in capacity and resources, which are important for building community resilience. This views transformability as the revision of responsibility that requires change within a community’s social systems.
Stakeholder participation is also considered pivotal for building resilience, with stakeholders actively involved in the process. Conducting a case study of the Natural Disaster Resilience Program in Queensland, Australia, using social-interactive discourse theory, Aldunce et al. (2016) found critical aspects that require urgent attention from stakeholders, especially the local government and the community, and challenged them to address meaningful communication and power structures, a process that is associated with transformability. Moreover, the study asserted the urgency of moving from experiential learning to social learning, which is categorized under the competence element. Other documents also discussed the important role of municipalities, such as Joerin et al. (2012), who examined a case in India.
Steiner (2016) focused on remote rural communities in Scotland with weak engagement history and explored whether community interventions can develop community resilience as an adaptive capacity. The study found that uniting people and opening communication channels among different community groups significantly influenced community resilience development, which could also be considered as transformability. Moreover, the study suggested that the process of developing community empowerment and resilience needs to be facilitated by external actors and relevant stakeholders.
Relations between the community resilience process and governments during disaster recovery Barrios (2014) reviewed the contributions of anthropological literature and the ethnographic case studies of two post-Hurricane Mitch housing reconstruction sites for theorizing community and resilience in post-disaster reconstruction. The study emphasized that the shapes and qualities of communities depend on their pre- and post-disaster relations with government agencies and aid organizations (transformability). Consequently, definitions of community resilience and disaster mitigation programs must consider the emergent and relational nature of communities to address the long-term causes and impacts of disasters.
Relations between community resilience as an outcome and governments on normal conditions Cohen et al. (2017) maintained the importance of information that municipal authorities provide to the population to develop or enhance resilience against emergencies (this discussion is related to the information element). The study assessed community resilience using the Conjoint Community Resilience Assessment Measure, an empirical, scientifically developed tool recognized as a valid community resilience measure administered via household sampling. This information is critically important for decision-makers and local leadership when developing resilience building policies and planning public communication.
Relations between community resilience as an outcome and governments during disaster recovery Jordan et al. (2016) extended community resilience and vulnerability theories by linking both pre- and post-disaster conditions to multisector recovery outcomes and analyzing the circumstances that led to infrastructural and social recovery in Indian villages affected by the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. The study examined conditions affecting recovery and analyzed data using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. Multiple pathways to infrastructural and social recovery were found, all of which required good government resource accessibility and good recovery actor coordination.
The main discussion with respect to linking social capital was the roles and responsibilities of communities and governments in both pre- and post-disaster phases to reorganize the social structure for future disasters. Japan especially highlights the limitation of public help while asserting the importance of self-help and mutual help. Moreover, other nations also discuss the crucial role of mutual help. In addition, the roles of private sectors also attracted the interest of scholars and practitioners, as will be discussed later. However, a challenge here involves the vagueness of these roles and the trend of populations’ continuous dependence on public help before, during, and after disasters. Differences among these roles and responsibilities would depend not only on hazard, exposure, vulnerability, and capacity in a community (related to the competence element below) but also on government policies. Exploring pathways toward the appropriate setting of roles and responsibilities is a challenging issue as well. This discussion is directly related to concepts of political economy, such as neoliberalism. The next topic, meanwhile, is closer to the relations between communities and governments but starts its focus on security issues.
Community resilience vs. governmentality for security and recovery Two documents discussed community resilience from the lens of community security. Coaffee and Fussey (2015), in an investigation of Birmingham in England, introduced security-driven resilience practices that conflicted with other policy priorities focusing on community-centered social cohesion, posing a series of questions on social control, surveillance, and the ability of national entities to foster community resilience in local areas despite the state’s attempts to label the same spaces as dangerous. The study argued that the security-driven logics of resilience generate differences regarding how resilience is operationalized and produce and reproduce new hierarchical arrangements which may undermine some of the basic aspirations and principles of the resilience logic itself.
Meanwhile, Rogers (2013) identified three key forms of resilience: organizational, technological, and community. With emphasis on community resilience, the study showed that both positive and negative forms of governmentality are possible. The positive aligns well with progressive approaches to participatory governance while the negative, emerging from the prioritization of organizational and technological concerns, is consistent with state-centric and neoliberal tactics of crime control and citizen responsibility. This article examined the case of the UK riots in 2011 and analyzed the tension between positive and negative forms of resilience as governmentality.
In connection with this issue, Barrios (2017), which belongs to category three, tackled neoliberalism and disaster reconstruction. For brevity, the study referred to neoliberalism simply as “a cultural trend where policymakers, political leaders, and the public at large propose the subjection of all facets of human life to capitalist cost–benefit analysis as a mechanism for creating social well-being” (Barrios 2017, p .8). The study highlighted the tendency of neoliberalism to ignore the sentiments of disaster-affected populations and restructure relations between government and private sectors. For example, “In New Orleans, neoliberal visions of the city’s possible future captivated the imagination of gentrifying resident constituencies, who became key allies of expert planning teams in legitimizing so-called participatory recovery plans” (Barrios 2017, p. 254). Nonetheless, the study insisted that affect and emotions remain critical dimensions of ways people experience catastrophes and articulate what it means to recover.
Potential roles of public libraries in building community resilience Public libraries are regarded as another important actor in community resilience. Despite focusing on their potential roles, two documents discussed how libraries can contribute to community resilience in normal circumstances and disaster recovery, referring to them as important resources gained from linking social capital.
Grace and Sen (2013) examined daily working practices to explore how public libraries both promote and inhibit community resilience. “Several areas of interest emerged: the existence of a split between the social worlds of the library worker and user, the role of technology in this split, the role of professionalism as discourse in rationalizing the use of certain technologies, the role of management in perpetuating this discourse, the place of outreach in bridging the gap between these social worlds, and the environment as an abiding concern” (Grace and Sen 2013, p. 513).
On the other hand, with regard to the disaster recovery phase, Veil and Bishop (2014) examined the role of public libraries in the community resource network. The Federal Emergency Management Agency in the United States designates public libraries as an essential community organization that plays a role in enhancing community resilience. The study’s results showed several opportunities for libraries to do so, which include offering technology resources and assistance; providing spaces for offices, meetings, and community living areas; serving as a redundant communication channel and repository for community information and disaster narratives; and adapting or expanding existing services to meet the community’s changing needs. However, as Veil and Bishop (2014) put it, libraries also face challenges in improving community resilience, such as the temptation to overcommit their capacity and staff capability beyond their mission and a lack of long-term disaster plans and collaboration with other public actors.
c. Summary: main issues regarding the social element
First, the above-mentioned documents consider bonding and bridging social capital as highly contributory to community resilience in all stability, recovery, adaptability, and transformability viewpoints. However, one obstacle involves overcoming or striking a balance regarding its negative aspects, such as group polarization. A similar statement could be said for linking social capital, in which the roles and responsibilities of communities and public entities (governments and public libraries) were discussed. One can easily say that cooperation among different groups is largely important because of their varying expectations of resources and synergistic effects. However, attempts to encourage populations to recognize such importance and hence achieve substantial cooperation remain in progress, which directly affects transformability, or changing social structures. Indeed, harmonizing different social capitals for community resilience is a challenging task.
As evident from communities’ scarce capacities and resources (Singh-Peterson et al. 2015) and libraries’ overcommitment (Veil and Bishop 2014), along with actors’ expectations as demonstrated in Barrios (2017), studies need to discuss (1) which resilience should be built for whom (targets [this issue will be identified later as equitable resilience]); (2) who should do what to this end, which includes constructing social systems such as time banks (focusing on actors and goals); and (3) how to find decision pathways on these issues (planning [decision-making]).
The information element consists of both information and communication, which are closely interlinked with social capital and technologies. Communication is achieved through social capital, which involves sharing information including memories, while technology is used to disseminate and impart information and promote communication more efficiently. Moreover, they are important tools/methodologies for enhancing community competence such as capacities.
a. Social (collective) memory
One frequently discussed element here is social (collective) memory, which partly represents disaster subculture, where memories of disastrous experiences are shared. Social memory is a contributing factor to community resilience that sometimes has negative effects. In some cases, residents’ experiences of small-scale flooding discouraged or hindered them from conducting a prompt evaluation of future large-scale floods. In another example, Engel et al. (2014) suggested that if disaster subculture is directed at hurricanes, it would be unsuitable for large-scale flooding. Colten et al. (2012) referred to this memory as inherent resilience by presenting an example in which natural resource-dependent residents were deployed to cope with disruptions, which they then retained in their collective memory. As the memory is based on experience, which constitutes current societal structures, this tends to be inclined toward stability, recovery, and adaptability. However, with regard to using a certain community’s memories so that other communities could build resilience from a transformability standpoint, this survey found no study that discusses this issue. Moreover, a certain process utilizes memories to make a community resilient; therefore, this element could be thought to adopt community resilience as a process.
The collection of cultural practices that have emerged in response to recurring disasters over time is identified as disaster subcultures. Engel et al. (2014) worked on an empirical appreciation of disaster subcultures in the Netherlands enabled by the value of the disaster subculture perspective and unveiled several elements surrounding the flood reality faced by neighboring parishes, which might otherwise have gone unnoticed and which appear central to understanding their vulnerability and resilience levels. The study’s contention is that disaster subculture allows for a greater understanding of the cultural context from which vulnerability to and resilience against specific and recurrent threats emerge.
Meanwhile, social memory is another representation of disaster subculture. In a continuous discussion of social memory for community resilience pathways, Wilson (2013a) asserted that in disaster areas, such as Christchurch in New Zealand, where social memory was relatively poorly developed, the lack of learning processes before earthquakes complicates the implementation of positive learning pathways. Moreover, Wilson (2015) showed how a local community’s inbuilt memory helps shape resilience pathways. This study focused on interconnections between social memory and community resilience, with emphasis on analyzing the importance of rites, traditions, and social learning processes in shaping community resilience and vulnerability. Wilson et al. (2017) further examined the complex interlinkages between social memory, community resilience, and land degradation and found that social memory is seen as an important rationale for a local community’s ability to manage and cope with land degradation. The study highlighted the importance of the three components of social memory—rites, traditions, and social learning processes—which help shape community resilience against land degradation processes. It also found that the loss of social memory and learning pathways associated with managing land degradation is emerging as a critical factor that prevents stakeholders from effectively addressing land degradation issues.
In addition, McEwen et al. (2017) maintained that a conceptual contribution to global priorities is sustainable flood memory in the context of effective flood risk management. The study focused on the summer 2007 floods in the UK and aimed to clarify how flood memories provide the affected communities a platform for developing and sharing lay knowledge and creating social learning opportunities to increase their adaptive capacities for resilience. The study found an association between sustainable flood memories and relational ways of knowing situated in emotions, changing materiality, and community tensions. Given the concept’s value and the importance of memory work, this document proposed a framework to translate the concept into practical community resilience initiatives and explain how communities share risk and flood experiences.
While these studies presented experiences that often produce knowledge or wisdom to be passed down to future generations, other documents focused on ecological knowledge. Gómez-Baggethun et al. (2012) showed how traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) and shared belief systems could facilitate collective responses to crises and help maintain the long-term resilience of social–ecological systems in villages in Spain. McMillen et al. (2017) studied rural communities in Hawaii in the United States and described the role of TEK in their adaptation to social–ecological change. While such indigenous knowledge may be lost as people adopt commercial agricultural practices and switch to nonagricultural livelihoods, which can be seen almost everywhere, Shava et al. (2010) demonstrated that residents can restore such knowledge when contingent opportunities arise. Targeting immigrant gardeners in New York in the United States and relocated farmers in Zimbabwe, the study showed how these communities draw upon their knowledge reserves to respond to changes in their local environments. Such knowledge could empower people to sustain their livelihoods and community well-being and thus adapt to environmental changes and displacement.
b. Information and communication promoted by technologies
Social media Social media is an effective, relatively new tool for disseminating information not only from official entities such as governments and mass media but also from general populations. One of its advantages is that it can spread smaller place-based information (e.g., neighborhood level) more widely than conventional mass media by any entity or individual. On the other hand, its misuse has become a challenge, as demagogues and misinformation can make already disastrous situations even more chaotic. Because it is a tool, it can affect all community resilience viewpoints depending on how it is used. Several documents have studied the functions of social media especially before, during, and after disasters, but only two were identical in this survey.
Houston et al. (2015) performed a comprehensive review of online, official, and scientific literature in 2012–2013 to develop a disaster social media framework. This would cover all activities before, during, and after a disaster and can be used to create disaster social media tools, formulate disaster social media implementation processes, and scientifically study disaster social media effects. Disaster social media users in the framework include communities, the government, individuals, organizations, and media outlets. It is implied here that they consider resilience as a process because social media promotes processes to reduce human losses, among others. Houston et al. (2015) listed the following functions of disaster social media:
providing and receiving disaster preparedness information;
providing and receiving disaster warnings;
signaling and detecting disasters;
sending and receiving requests for assistance;
informing others about one’s own condition and location and learning the same about another disaster-affected individual;
documenting and learning what is happening in the disaster;
delivering and consuming news about the disaster;
providing and receiving disaster response information and enumerating ways to assist in the disaster response;
raising and developing awareness of an event, donating and receiving donations, and identifying and listing ways to help or volunteer;
providing and receiving disaster mental and behavioral health support;
expressing emotions, concerns, and well-wishes and memorializing those who have perished;
providing and receiving information about (and discussing) disaster response, recovery, and rebuilding, as well as telling and listening to disaster-related stories;
discussing the sociopolitical and scientific causes and implications of such events and identifying responsible individuals;
(re)connecting community members; and
implementing traditional crisis communication activities.
Zou et al. (2018), in a case study of Hurricane Sandy, analyzed the spatial–temporal patterns of Twitter activities during the hurricane hit the northeast of the United States. According to the study, social media data could help improve post-disaster damage estimation but may also include other environmental and socioeconomic variables that influence the ability to mitigate damage. Such data could also provide valuable insights into strategies for utilizing social media information to improve resilience against disasters, which is related to recovery.
Digital technology in rural areas The roles of digital technologies in relation to community resilience have gained more attention in rural than urban areas, which generally dismisses the benefits of economic and technological development. Because digital technology is a tool, it can influence all community resilience viewpoints.
Focusing on the UK, Roberts et al. (2017) used a community resilience framework to critically examine the digital–rural policy agenda. The study deliberated various ways in which Internet-enabled technologies empower and disempower rural communities, leading to resilience and vulnerability. Here, community resilience is implied as an outcome. Finally, the study provided a holistic picture of the rural–digital agenda, highlighting gaps in implementation and understanding digital divide and inclusion.
Meanwhile, Roberts and Townsend (2016) developed an understanding of cultural and digital capital to evaluate how creative practitioners contribute to rural community resilience in Scotland. Specifically, through an in-depth qualitative analysis, the study described how broadband Internet access and online practices affect rural creative work and in turn enable creatives to participate in their rural communities at different levels, thus contributing to research into both rural community resilience and rural creative economies. Creatives are invested in their communities and rurality on several levels, facilitating community resilience through diverse ways of building cultural capital, with “ripple effects” from online activities. This study discussed community resilience in terms of quality (process).
Moreover, Ashmore et al. (2015) examined the relation between rural dwellers and Internet technology in the UK and sought to understand how it is altered with a significant increase in broadband speed. It argued for the use of resilience as a framework for researching such technological impacts, highlighting its potential usefulness in identifying alternative development narratives. Regarding community resilience, the study found that superfast broadband can facilitate the identification and development of control over everyday activities, which may shape individual empowerment and personal capacity building. It also found that the importance of speed lies in its association with reliability as well as the confidence that reliability can inspire regarding personal and business decisions, potentially enhancing resilience in uncertain economic times. Finally, the Internet is generally perceived as an individualized tool, with links primarily at the individual household and business scale, which can enhance individuals’ social connectivity and perceived empowerment, as well as their skills and economic success. This document considered community resilience as a process.
c. Summary: main issues regarding the information element
The primary discussions were on social (collective) memory, which includes traditional knowledge, social media, and digital technologies in rural areas, all of which entail benefits and detriments to community resilience. Since they are tools, all community resilience viewpoints could be related depending on how they are utilized. From the lens of the information element, Lloyd (2015) referred to information resilience as “the capacity to address the disruption and uncertainty, to employ information literacy practices to enable access to information relative to need, to construct new information landscapes, and to reestablish social networks” (p. 1033), which is closely related to community resilience. However, as previously discussed, information has occasional adverse effects on community resilience, which are not yet explored. The same is true for information resilience, which is associated with social capital and institutional resilience (explained in the next subsection).
Although many documents emphasize the importance of the competence element to community resilience, which includes capacity building and decision-making, studies mainly focusing on approaches to this aspect are limited to those that use the keyword community resilience among the influential documents. However, as will be mentioned, some documents treat this element as one of their topics, such as Townshend et al. (2015), Ashmore et al. (2015), Palekiene et al. (2015), and Roberts et al. (2017) for capacity building; Wilson (2013b) and Wilson et al. (2016) for decision-making; and Aldunce et al. (2016) for competence. This element is also a part of institutional resilience and social resilience as addressed by Cutter et al. (2014). In the former term, institution pertains to the rules and norms governing human interaction, whether formal or informal (Herrfahrdt-Pähle and Pahl-Wostl 2012), and in community resilience, institutional resilience refers to that of a geographically based population or group (or a part thereof) from the neighborhood association to the county level. It is evaluated by the ratio of the population and its local disaster programs, such as in Cutter et al. (2014). The latter term, on the other hand, is “the ability of groups or communities to cope with external stresses and disturbances as a result of social, political and environmental change” (Adger 2000, p. 347) and is indexed by educational levels, among others, by Cutter et al. (2014).
Among these documents, Fischer and McKee (2017) focused on and analyzed rural community empowerment and resilience capacities in Scotland, which considers community resilience in terms of characteristics (outcome). The study analyzed the interaction among the community’s organizational, infrastructural, and personal capacities, resulting in three major findings. First, a comprehensive understanding of a community’s situation requires crucial interactions between capitals and capacities. Second, not only can capacities be at a low level; they can also be negative. Third, social capacities (arising from interindividual structures) act as powerful microstructures that restrict individuals’ abilities to engage in community action.
As mentioned above, the competence element is often discussed in association with other aspects or parts of other resilience types since it constitutes the very core of community, which must be the central actor for building resilience.
a. Roles of the profit sector in community resilience
Several documents explored the role of profitable private sectors and discussed their connection with economic resources in local communities. Steiner and Atterton (2015), focusing on South Australia, studied the contribution of rural enterprises to economic, environmental, and social aspects of community resilience. The findings, emphasizing the economic aspect, revealed that rural businesses contributed to local resilience in both directly and indirectly. Direct contributions included the creation of local employment and local products and service delivery. Indirect contributions can be understood as the knock-on effect or the added value of primary business activities so that employment opportunities help reduce the risk of outmigration and depopulation. Rural business owners have the motivation and resources to respond to specific local challenges, opportunities, and characteristics and to proactively and skillfully turn them into entrepreneurial prospects. This could be also related to stability in the role of community resilience as an outcome.
Linnenluecke and Macknight (2017) sought to examine the conditions that motivate disaster entrepreneurship to contribute to community resilience. The study defined disaster entrepreneurship as the private sector’s attempt to create or maintain value during and immediately after a natural disaster by taking advantage of business opportunities and providing goods and services that community stakeholders require. The study identified four approaches to disaster entrepreneurship: entrepreneurial business continuity, organizational response scaling by activating latent structures, improvising (for emergencies), and emergence (emergent behavior). The study also examined the association between each approach and community resilience, which is then related to the recovery aspect of community resilience as an outcome.
b. Contributions of the profit sector to community resilience
Kim and Marcouiller (2016) investigated the economic resilience of coastal regions in Florida against natural disasters using county-level panel data and found that coastal counties with stronger economies and better social conditions before the disaster experienced lower disaster losses. This document is under the stability viewpoint of community resilience as an outcome.
Tsai et al. (2016) described the relations between perceptions of tourism impact and of community resilience in areas with hazardous environments after natural disasters in Taiwan. The study found that stronger self-help and local adaptive capacities is a crucial component of a disaster prevention and response strategy. However, despite finding negative impacts of tourism, the study viewed tourism as a facilitator for speedy recovery because it can rebound fairly quickly upon the restoration of transportation and communication systems. Therefore, this document is considered to focus mainly on stability and recovery.
c. Summary: main issues regarding the economic element
The common conclusion in these discussions is that the private sector, through its own roles, can contribute to community resilience mainly from stability and recovery viewpoints. The involvement of private firms in disaster preparedness, response, and recovery is emphasized in recent disaster experiences, after which practical activities are also conducted. However, several issues remain. First, with regard to the contributions of various actors and the clarification of their roles, this aspect may facilitate the adaptability and transformability of community resilience, which is related to the discussion on social capital. Second, regarding corporate social responsibility, it is important to connect academic discussions on business continuity plan/management (BCP/BCM) which include economic and community resilience. Several studies deal with how and in what aspects private firms could or should contribute to community resilience as a community actor and how this would be (economically) beneficial to them in return. However, despite some evidence of the economic impact of disasters (both negative in terms of damage and loss and positive in terms of recovery needs) and the contributions of the private sectors to disaster recovery, studies have yet to perform an economic evaluation of such contributions to community resilience.
The spatial aspect includes not only individual constructions but also spatial planning such as land-use planning, road networks, and others. These man-made objects have both positive and negative effects on community resilience.
a. Nonprofit firm management of critical infrastructure for community resilience
This aspect was found in only one document in dataset B. McKnight et al. (2016) examined the conceptual functions of nonprofit firms that manage a large proportion of critical infrastructures such as banking services, telecommunications, transportation, and utilities, on which community resilience depends. Community resilience research (here, resilience is considered as an outcome) has focused on the responses of public entities such as emergency services and government agencies and nongovernmental sectors whereas nonprofit firms are also engaged in responding to natural disasters. These studies use stakeholder theory to distinguish between firms adopting firm-centric postures (focused inwardly on firm outcomes) and those with community-centric postures (focused outwardly on stakeholders), with respect to natural disaster response, stating, for example, that “[f]irm-level resilience can stabilize a community by providing it with goods and services as well as maintaining employment in a time of crisis” (McKnight and Linnenluecke 2016, p. 301), which pertains to stability and recovery. These studies then theorized the relations between firm- and community-centric postures and different community resilience outcomes.
b. Spatial planning
Studies on spatial planning cover a variety of fields. Saunders and Becker (2015) provided an overview of resilience and sustainability within land-use planning and natural hazards and discussed their interrelations. The study identified an issue surrounding the interchangeable use of the terms resilience planning and sustainable planning. It found that differences between resilience (regarded as a mostly shorter-term phenomenon) and sustainability (often related to longer-term aspirations) become most evident where disaster recovery is protracted. In this context, short-term adaptations can lead to unsustainable practices in the long-term, which would necessitate a more strategic overview of resilience and sustainability. In the case of Christchurch, New Zealand, the study showed that a resilient community should also be a sustainable one to meet legislative requirements and ensure that the needs of future generations—economic, social, cultural, and environmental—are met. While resilience includes transformability, its adaptivity aspect gains more attention in practice.
Camps-Calvet et al. (2015) showed that bottom–up urban gardening initiatives in Barcelona in Spain in the form of land occupation and communalization represent forms of resistance that enhance social cohesion and collective action in challenging times. Specifically, this research examined how urban gardens help build community resilience and articulate forms of resistance and contestation against development pressure and commodified urban lifestyles. Moreover, the study provided mechanisms through which urban gardens can contribute to resilience building by nurturing social and ecological diversity, generating and transmitting local ecological knowledge, and creating collective action and self-organization opportunities. Nurturing social cohesion corresponds to mitigating loneliness and enhancing mutual support structures; therefore, this document is related to transformability as well as stability and adaptability.
Rus et al. (2018) conducted a literature review on the holistic assessment of urban system resilience against natural disasters, focusing on earthquakes. Based on the results, a preliminary concept was introduced to assess the seismic resilience of complex urban systems with attention to stability (preparedness and response), recovery, and adaptation. The study also suggested that future research on seismic resilience assessment must consider open space and perform an in-depth examination of possible recovery strategies.
León and March (2014) focused on evacuation and sheltering from tsunamis, which they call rapid resilience, and stated that such resilience can be enhanced by changing urban morphology, which includes street networks and assembly areas. This proposal was quantitatively assessed using an agent-based computer model, which showed significant reductions in total evacuation time. These modifications could also deliver qualitative effects, providing new livable public spaces in the city while helping to maintain the existing tsunami prevention culture. This discussion is related to stability.
Villagra et al. (2016) argued that it is critical to understand how to accommodate the resilience thinking approach in city planning so that urban environments can adapt to extreme natural events. Through a case study in a Chilean urban area, the study evaluated how planning tools contribute to and adversely affect resilience. These tools included the map of civil protection against tsunamis, tsunami and earthquake action plan, regional emergency plan, and communal regulating plan whereas resilience attributes were diversity, redundancy, multifunctionality, and modularity. Finally, the study found that the environmental dimension, which the urban planning tools have failed to integrate, has the greatest influence on the urban resilience of the city studied. This document is related to stability and adaptability.
Perz et al. (2010), who focused on the stability aspect of community resilience and studied different shocks on normal situations, adopted a resilience approach as an integrative framework to understand various effects of road-paving (infrastructure) on rural areas in the southwestern Amazon. The study highlighted migration activity as an indicator of collective memory retention, which is associated with resilience, and found variations in road-paving effects across areas along with some mediating factors.
c. Summary: main issues regarding the spatial element
The document on nonprivate firms that provide essential infrastructure shed light on how firm-level resilience could be stabilized, a negative effect of which lies in whether hazard seriousness would overwhelm such resilience. One recent and notorious case is the Great East Japan Earthquake, in which the nuclear power plant caused devastating damage to community recovery, as many victims still cannot return home because of the radiation. This specifically pertains to infrastructure resilience and considers how its failure influences community resilience around the infrastructure. This is closely related to land-use planning for location setting and risk assessment with a focus on exposure. With respect to the spatial planning discussion, rational analyses to cope with disasters (therefore, stability) were mainly conducted to find efficient facilities to reduce human loss while also considering adaptability. The built environment regulates other elements by providing spaces for social interactions within and across groups and among actors to enhance competence, diversifying information flow from and to facilities, accelerating economic activities that support community resilience and affect nature through land-use plans or facilities, among others. Even though achievements related to the spatial element hardly mentioned transformability, except for Camps-Calvet et al. (2015), future studies need to examine how the spatial element can promote the transformability of other elements.
The natural environment greatly affects community livelihood and wellness, as natural disasters occur through interactions between natural (hazard) and human systems (exposure, vulnerability, capacity). Documents that introduced other elements also mentioned the environmental aspect while some focused mainly on this element. Frazier et al. (2013) posed a challenge that most community resilience indexes do not account for the recovery of ecosystem functions after extreme events despite a community’s dependence on services provided by the natural environment. By monitoring the recovery of ecosystem functionality (ecological capital) using remote sensing-derived gross primary production and assessing how ecological capital resilience (ecosystem resilience) affects a community’s recovery, the results illustrated that ecological capital recovery varies according to land-use type and might take many months to return to full functionality. Such recovery may influence the recovery of certain businesses that rely on ecosystem services such as agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and tourism.
Camp et al. (2015) employed an integrated natural and social science approach to assess the potential mechanisms behind the collapse of estuarine social–ecological systems in Florida in the United States. The oyster fishery collapse is the most recent in a series of environmental stressors affecting oyster recruitment and survival, which may have been mediated by both human and environmental factors. The study suggested that the successful restoration and persistence of a viable oyster fishery depend on the implementation of minimal best management practices and spatial closures to harvest, the improvement of environmental knowledge and promotion of episodic learning through enhanced monitoring and experimental management, and continued community engagement to produce adaptable governance that can respond to future unexpected challenges, which are all related to recovery and adaptability.
The natural environment is often considered as a mechanism that brings about shocks against which communities should remain stable, recover, adapt, or transform itself while providing natural resources important to rural livelihood. The natural element is associated with rural economies especially those that heavily depend on natural resources (rural economic resilience).
Drawbacks of community and equitable resilience
a. Resilience elasticity and non-normativity
One of the characteristics of (community) resilience is the ability to bounce back, or the elasticity of the status quo. Moreover, in a discussion of desirable and undesirable resilience, Elemqvist et al. (2019) stated that unlike sustainability, which is considered to be normative, resilience is non-normative. They also stated that the desirability of resilience depends on “of what, to what and for whom” questions regarding reliance. Therefore, the application of resilience requires an understanding of the desired functions of resilience as well as the drivers and feedback loop conditions necessary to transform systems.
Sometimes elasticity of resilience seems to overwhelm another resilience characteristic, transformability, in which present systems change according to new environments. Some documents dealt with this challenge. Manyena and Gordon (2015) concluded that exploring the connections between resilience, fragility, and stabilization might be useful to understand how communities absorb disturbances and reorganize themselves while undergoing change to retain key elements of structure and identity. The findings showed that state fragility results from the breakdown of the social contract between the state and its citizens. While both resilience and stabilization are desirable constructs in reducing fragility, they should be broadly underpinned by agency not only to enhance preventive, anticipatory, absorptive, and adaptive actions but also to generate social transformative capacity where agency is embedded in communities to exercise some power to foster change. Agency in this context means “the capacity of individuals to act independently to make their own free choices” (Brown and Westaway 2011, p. 322). Moreover, Chelleri et al. (2016) provided insights into a range of trade-offs between community resilience attributes and social–ecological vulnerability. Their main contribution was to highlight the need to critically frame multiple threat exposures and adaptive capacity trade-offs. Against the usually positive meaning of resilience, these studies urge us to consider who benefits from adaptation or what is positive about it and which trade-off should be accepted and why.
In more specific themes and cases, Béné et al. (2014) evaluated the advantages and drawbacks of resilience in the context of development. Although the review highlighted some positive elements, such as the ability to foster an integrated approach, it also showed the important limitations of resilience, which is not a pro-poor concept in the sense that it does not exclusively apply to, or benefit, the poor. In addition, Wright (2016), in the case of South Wales, explained how the broader context of austerity shapes community resilience against disasters and crises. The study argued that austerity may undermine resilience while helping increase vulnerability, suggesting the need to address these engagement issues and acknowledge the relation between community resilience and broader questions of social, economic, and environmental security. If we accept Elemqvist et al.’s (2019) statement, resilience must be operationalized with other normative concepts.
b. Equitable resilience
Considering the drawbacks of resilience above, Matin et al. (2018) suggested equitable resilience, which can support the development of social–ecological systems that are contextually rooted, responsive to change, and socially just and thus relevant to global sustainability challenges. Furthermore, Cavallo and Ireland (2014) stated that building specified resilience for known risks tends to be a top–down approach while general resilience for unknown risks might involve wider types of residents. Akamani et al. (2015) also emphasized the need for co-management policies to focus on the historical context of community interaction processes that influence access to capital assets and local institutions to successfully promote equitable resilience. Langridge et al. (2006) also suggested that strengthening and diversifying a range of structural and relational mechanisms to access water can enhance a community’s resilience against water scarcity.
As discussed in social capital, this topic is related to what resilience should be built and for whom, into which the concept of equitable resilience presents important insights. However, what is equitable is also a matter of discussion influenced by political economy concepts such as neoliberalism, agency in each community, and others. As previously mentioned, resilience may also be in the form of information resilience, institutional resilience, social resilience, economic resilience, infrastructure resilience, and ecosystem resilience,Footnote 5 which all function based on their own targets. Hence, it would also be important to consider how to strike a balance among these types of resilience.
Future approaches to community resilience
The previous section explained how major academic documents approached community resilience in terms of each element, finding contributions to strengthen it. Community resilience is not a standalone concept and should be discussed in connection with its elements, but it is also true that many documents have scrutinized one or several aspects. Figure 7 summarizes the discussion above. Here I suggest two perspectives that future studies may take regarding community resilience.
Harmonizing gears of resilience and (Sub)elements peculiar to community resilience
The first perspective entails harmony among different types of resilience. This document survey found specific resilience attached to the above-mentioned elements: institutional and social resilience, which partially includes the competence element; information resilience for the information element; economic resilience for the economic element; infrastructure resilience for the spatial element; and ecosystem resilience for the natural element. Some resilience types cover parts of the elements while others reach beyond them. Cutter et al. (2014) introduced similar concepts that contain several types of resilience as components of community resilience.Footnote 6 However, in some cases, these types of resilience and (sub)elements may work in different ways in between elasticity of some resilience and transformation of another resilience. Areas that have not been affected by disasters are increasingly at risk (Cavallo et al. 2014); whereas, areas that have are suffering from more severe disasters than ever before, which is accelerated by complex social systems. In this situation, studies on community resilience transformability should receive more attention while respecting and preserving a community’s unique culture (preferring elasticity). Therefore, this perspective involves studying balances among these types of resilience so that community is transformable in a desired manner. Community resilience may be analyzed based on equitable resilience as desired resilience; and can connect with and exist in its balance with other related resilience types, which is regulated by political economy concepts such as neoliberalism (Fig. 7). Such comprehensive understanding has not been addressed yet, thus the uncertainty of responding to the challenge that even though some elements need transformation, other resilience types would try to keep the status quo, leading to dilemmas if their directions and speed are not compatible with each other. If we imagine community resilience as a car and other types of resilience and (sub)elements as tires, then we could say that some tires are spinning forward at a certain speed while others are spinning slower or even backward, causing the car to lose control. It could be said that this highlights the need to harmonize gears of resilience and sub(elements) peculiar to community resilience. The question of how to strike a balance among these types of resilience to achieve desired community resilience has not yet been discussed, and therefore, needs to be studied further.
Roles of inactive residents in community resilience
Another suggestion is based on the fact that community resilience studies often deal with residents who are actively engaged in community activities or all populations collectively in a certain geographical area. Since it is impractical for all populations to be engaged in community activities, we need to not only consider (more) active residents, who are usually the minorities, but also focus on the potential roles of inactive ones, who usually constitute the majority. Inactive residents are not those who are marginalized and unable to join, which is discussed along with equitable resilience in my first suggestion, but rather those who are reluctant to engage despite having access. They should be treated as important actors in building daily community resilience even though they do not participate in community activities. Although community resilience benefits cover (or should cover) all populations, the roles of these residents are different from those of the community leader or residents who are engaged in such actions.