Zusammenfassung
Der Artikel verbindet Ansätze der Parteientheorie mit der Debatte zur religionsoffenen Demokratisierung und weist mit der Methode des „process tracing“ nach, dass sich die Entwicklung der AKP nicht aus religiösen Prinzipien ableiten lässt, sondern wesentlich durch den Konflikt zwischen säkularen und religiösen Akteuren bestimmt wurde. Die AKP entspricht in den Jahren 2001–2007 mit einer interessenübergreifenden Wirtschaftspolitik des „sozialen Neoliberalismus“, einem zentralen Rechte-basierten Diskurs und einer auf Binnendifferenzierung ausgerichteten Institutionenpolitik allen Charakteristika einer Catch-all Partei. In den Jahren nach 2011 definieren dagegen ein exkludierender Identitätsdiskurs, ein personenbezogener Staatsinterventionismus und die extreme Zentralisierung staatlicher Autorität die AKP als populistische Partei. Diese umfassende Transformation der AKP kann nicht aus der zeitweiligen Suspendierung „eigentlicher Ziele“ erklärt werden. Ihre Analyse muss die Dynamik des säkular-religiösen Konflikt 2007–2011 in Betracht ziehen, die in dem Verbotsverfahren gegen die AKP kulminierte und in dessen Verlauf sich das personalistische Politikprojekt von R. T. Erdoğan ausbildete. Eine Analyse der Transformation der AKP kann zugleich der Literatur zur religionsoffenen Demokratisierung die Darstellung von Mechanismen der „Säkularismus-Falle“, der Entdemokratisierung im Konflikt über die Rolle von Religion in der Gesellschaft, hinzufügen.
Abstract
The article combines insights of party theory with the debate on religiously friendly democratization and will demonstrate with the method of process tracing that the development of the Turkish AKP has been strongly determined by the conflict between secular and religious actors. In the years 2001 to 2007, the AKP demonstrated with its cross-class economic policy of “social neoliberalism”, a rights-based discourse and the aim of a diffusion of state authority the character of a catch-all party. From 2011 on, the AKP displayed with an exclusive identity discourse, authoritarian and personalized state interventionism and the utmost centralization of state authority the characteristics of a populist party. The fundamental differences between the characteristics of the AKP in the two periods disprove the thesis of a temporary suspension of “real party objectives” and demonstrates the effect of the religious-secular conflicts 2007 to 2011 encompassing a U-turn in party discourse, core policies and institutional aims which allowed R. T. Erdoğan’s increasing dominance to steer the party towards his personal preferences. The identification of mechanisms of de-democratization in the conflict about the role of religion in society enriches our understanding of the processes of (failed) religiously friendly democratization.
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Baudner, J. Beweis für die Demokratieunverträglichkeit des politischen Islam oder Beleg der „Säkularismus-Falle“? Die Entwicklung der AKP zwischen „Muslim democracy“ und populistischer Partei. Z Religion Ges Polit 2, 415–443 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-018-0030-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s41682-018-0030-1