Abstract
This paper posits that the contemporary Brazilian far-right Christian narrative casts the LGBTQIA+ community in a role akin to that of witches in fifteenth- to eighteenth-century Christian thought. It begins by tracing the historical trajectory of LGBTQIA+phobia within post-nineteenth century Christianity, highlighting the religion’s frequent collusion with far-right politics. The analysis then explores theoretical frameworks that reveal the historical manipulation of religious doctrines to sanction and perpetuate systemic oppression. Drawing parallels between the witch-hunts of the past and the present-day vilification of the LGBTQIA+ community in Brazil, the paper explores the socio-political mechanisms that facilitate such persecution. It further examines the rhetoric and practices of the Brazilian far-right, which, under the guise of religious and moral righteousness, perpetuates a cycle of discrimination and exclusion. The conclusion underscores the continuity of oppressive tactics, asserting that while the victims may have evolved, the underlying strategies of marginalization employed by the Brazilian far-right remain distressingly consistent. This study thus sheds light on the enduring legacy of intolerance and the urgent need for a concerted effort to dismantle these persistent structures of hate.
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Christian colonialism represents a phase in capitalism where Christian European nations colonized diverse areas globally, enforcing their religion, culture, and societal norms on native populations. This action aligns with goals of economic exploitation and political domination, including the suppression of indigenous religions and cultures. Colonizers do this to claim their alleged superiority over the colonized, thus rationalizing their plundering.
“Gender ideology” is a term often invoked in Latin American political debates, predominantly by far-right groups, to describe what they perceive as a communist agenda aimed at undermining traditional Christian gender norms and turning all society bisexual or gender fluid, thus destroying the family. Scholars dismiss it as a political ploy that misrepresents and delegitimizes gender studies and efforts toward equality and the rights of LGBTQIA+ individuals.
Perón was far from being a radical left-wing politician. However, his legalization of divorce in Argentina and the punishments he imposed on the clergy to curb the Catholic lobby in state affairs were enough for him to be considered a very dangerous politician.
In another work, Py (2021) discusses how a Brazilian Catholic far-right priest also theologically endorsed Bolsonaro’s policies, promoting a Christofascist perspective of “cleansing” and “purification” concerning COVID-19 deaths in Brazil. However, due to the Vatican’s stance on closing parishes during the health crisis, this viewpoint was less prevalent among Brazilian Catholics compared to evangelicals, who predominantly backed Bolsonaro unconditionally.
In Brazil, someone murders an LGBTQIA+ person every 29 h.
Not all Christianity is a religion of difference. Woodhead and Heelas (2000) mention queer theologies, liberal forms of Pentecostalism, and the Catholicism of Pope Francis as examples of Christianities of humanity. However, census research in the USA has shown that more extremist forms of Christianity (religion of difference) have grown demographically throughout the twentieth century, while the more progressive forms (religion of humanity) have lost followers or have radicalized, turning into religions of difference as well (Roof and McKinney 1992, p. 150; Woodhead and Heelas 2000, p. 62).
To cite just a few, we have Circe and Medea in Greek mythology, the Norns of Norse mythology, Morgan le Fay in Arthurian legends, the Slavic witch Baba Yaga, the Baltic Laumas, and the Irish female warriors Aife and Scathach.
The Brazilian Evangelical Parliamentary Front is a cross-party group of legislators in the Brazilian National Congress who identify themselves as evangelical and occupy about a third of the seats. This influential group promotes a far-right legislative agenda that includes securing privileges for rich evangelical churches, such as debt forgiveness and tax exemptions, and denial of social policies for the poorest under the aegis of meritocracy. They also seek to shield Christians from hate crime prosecutions while upholding the traditional moral priorities of the Christian far-right.
Jair Messias Bolsonaro served as the 38th president of Brazil, leading a far-right administration that many have characterized as fascist or fascist-like (Fernandes 2022).
In Brazil, only trans individuals who have reached the majority are eligible to receive sex reassignment therapies. Contrary to what Brazilian Christofascism says, it is already illegal to perform sexual reassignment on minors. Therefore, no group could ask a physician to do the treatment.
The World Health Organization removed homosexuality from the international classification of diseases in 1992. In addition, the American Psychological Association, the American Medical Association, and the Royal College of Psychiatrists of the UK also affirm that being LGBTQIA+ is not a disease. In Brazil, in line with the international stance, there is a ban on psychologists and physicians trying to “cure” LGBTQIA+ people, including a case law from Brazil’s Supreme Court endorsing the decision (CFP 1999; Zangolin 2020).
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Stern, F.L. A New Witch-Hunt: LGBTQIA+ State Persecution by Brazil’s Christian Far-Right. Int J Lat Am Relig (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41603-023-00228-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s41603-023-00228-3