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Divided by Faith and Ethnicity: Religious Pluralism and the Problem of Race in Guatemala

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Abstract

Two developments form part of the reality of many Guatemalans and, in fact, Latin Americans. Recent decades have seen a dramatic rise of a new religious pluralism, namely the spread of Pentecostalized Christianity—Catholic and Protestant alike—and the growth of indigenous revitalization movements. This is particularly evident in Guatemala, a country with a large indigenous population, vital Maya movement, and Pentecostal religious community. Compared to other Latin American countries, Guatemala now has the highest share of Catholic and Protestant Pentecostals among the populace. This article is based on a study that analyses these major transitions and connects them by asking as follows: What roles do ethnicity and ethnic identities play in the contemporary process of religious pluralism, such as the growth of the Protestant Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, and the indigenous Maya movement in Guatemala? In doing so, this work provides an overview of religious pluralism, an understanding of what constitutes the agenda of religious movements, and why and what their impact on society is. The data presented in this essay suggests that, ultimately, religious pluralism in Guatemala does more to perpetuate the ethnic divide in Guatemala than to break it down.

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Notes

  1. Roger Grossmann from the Servicio Evangelizador para América Latina (SEPAL), a protestant research and training facility, presents the following figures for 2003: 58.1% Catholics, 25.4% Evangelicals (mainline denominations are included in their survey), 13.9% without a religious affiliation, and 2.6% what they call sects, including Mormons and Jehovah’s Witnesses (Grossmann 2003). Grossmann from SEPAL, and Pew, present therefore very similar figures about the percentages of Protestants in Guatemala.

  2. Interview Luis Kelex (CCR). February 15, 2002. Guatemala City. Interview bishop Álvaro Ramazzini. November 9, 2001. San Marcos.

  3. The famous categorization of religious communities comes to mind here. The categories are The Universal Church, Ecclesia, Denomination, Established Sect, Sect, and Cult. One way to conceptualize this typology is a scale that indicates the degree of organization and institutionalization. Likewise, a classification of the Maya movement as part of new religious movements (NRMs) is problematic, since their aim is not exclusively religious but also political (Barker 1999).

  4. Theories of cultural hybridity are built on the universal idea that all cultures are hybrid, that is, that they borrow and reinterpret elements from other cultures (Canclini 1990).

  5. This is obvious for anybody who is acquainted with Renewalist movements and a born-again type of Christian identity; however, less obvious for the Maya movement. For conversion narratives of members of the Maya movement see Althoff 2014: 198–205; Montejo 2005: 5–6.

  6. This might sound ironic, since Protestantism in Latin America is widely considered to be a disempowering force, with ties to the political conservative establishment, a sectarian nature, and an individualism that makes it more amenable to neoliberal economic agendas. See Eckstein 2001: 351–406. Similar to the United States, there are Protestant currents in Guatemala that reflect these tendencies. Yet, as Mathews Samson has argued for the Presbyterian Church in Guatemala, the story told here shows that the case is much more complex (Samson 2007: 140). Kevin Lewis O’Neill does argue, in his study on the neo-Pentecostal Church El Shaddai, that members of this church are re-politicized by their church (O’Neill 2010).

  7. I use the term “modest” because I want to distinguish this constructivist approach from the radical constructivism of post-modern theorists who argue that there is no objective reality at all. According to these theorists, social reality as objectivity is non-existent. The brain does not reproduce or reconstruct reality by cognition (perception, senses etc.) but by constructing it within a closed structural system (autopoiesis). This supposition partly makes use of neurophysiologic research. See Von Glaserfeld (1996), Maturana and Varela (1980). German sociologist Niklas Luhmann used the idea of autopoetic systems for his system theory. With regard to religion, see for instance Kieserling (2012), Niklas Luhmann: A Systems Theory of Religion.

  8. This line of reasoning harks back to Max Weber (1980) and his “interpretative sociology,” Pierre Bourdieu and his “theory of practice,” (Bourdieu 1977) and Frederik Barth and his concept of ethnic groups and boundaries (Barth 1969, 1996).

  9. This is a paraphrase from Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann’s book The Social Construction of Reality, only Berger and Luckmann are referring to a Tibetan monk and American businessman. See Berger and Luckmann 1966: 2–3.

  10. See also David McCreery in this respect. He sees this position as normal among the Guatemalan liberal elite between 1820 and 1920: “Liberal ideology held that the Indian was lazy, dirty, and drunken, but it also portrayed him as sly, vicious, brutal, and prone to violence,” assessments that overlap with Asturias (McCreery 1990: 113).

  11. In the case of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, the institutional domain is obviously the Catholic hierarchy. Still, the movements covered here possess an institutional background, too, in that they regulate the religious discourse, practices, and community, reproducing them over time and modifying them as necessary. Moreover, they own the necessary formal or semiformal structures to secure continuity of these elements.

  12. Most of the ethnographical data was analyzed using the software program winMAX 98. WinMAX is a CAQDAS-software program (Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software) that allows the codification and systematic evaluation of texts. See http://www2.essex.ac.uk/cs/documentation/use/acrobat/winmaxmanual98.pdf

  13. Regarding Pentecostalism, I focused on the Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo and Ministerios Elim MI-EL, as well as small, local, independent Pentecostal churches in indigenous villages. Among the neo-Pentecostal churches were Fraternidad Cristiana (capital), Iglesia Eben-Ezer (capital), Iglesia de Dios (capital), Iglesia de Cristo Central, and Ministerio Rey de Reyes. Additionally, the Iglesia del Príncipe de Paz and the Central American Mission (CAM) were among the churches I researched.

  14. This comparison forms the nucleus of the conclusion. Among the few scholars that use a comparative approach are John Burdick (1999), Andrew Chesnut (2003b), Manochehr Dorraj (1999), Andrew Canessa (2000), and Christian Gros (2000). Of these, only Andrew Chesnut uses Guatemalan data to some extent.

  15. Vásquez and Marquardt voice a similar critique regarding rational-choice theories: “Most rational-choice theorists reduce complex religious fields to the behavior of elites, or ‘religious entrepreneurs.’ Furthermore, they assume that these elites act as one unitary agent, in accordance with a universal rationality of cost-benefit calculation. The result of these simplifications is a one-dimensional view of religious practices and institutions that is at odds with the increasing complexity and fluidity of the religious sphere.” Vásquez and Marquardt 2003: 24.

  16. One example is the anthropological account by Kevin Lewis O’Neill on the neo-Pentecostal mega-church El Shaddai. Undoubtedly, it is an excellent study because it provides an in-depth analysis of this church. Still, the emphasis on the self-ascriptions of active participants make one wonder if the views expressed are paradigmatic for the overall constituency of this mega-church or even neo-Pentecostal adherents in general. See O’Neill 2010. I rather agree with Edward L. Cleary, who pointed out, citing Pentecostal scholar Everett Wilson and well-known Protestant church-historian Virginia Garrard-Burnett that many religious adherents spin with enthusiasm but leave after they learn the demands of the new religion. Cleary 2009: 11.

  17. Pentecostal Christianity is used here as a generic expression, including neo-Pentecostalism, Pentecostalism, and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal as a Catholic variant of Pentecostalism. For various reasons, I chose not to adopt the term Evangelicalism or Evangelical Protestantism as an umbrella term. Using the term Evangelicalism as a synonym for Protestantism, as most researchers do, does not address the religious dynamic properly. Most of the Christian movements and churches that have emerged during the last decades in Guatemala and elsewhere are Pentecostal in nature. Furthermore, in a strict sense, Pentecostals are not Evangelicals. Historically, the latter stress the Bible, while the former focus on experiences with the Holy Spirit (individually and collectively), including divine healing.

  18. However, I also found that the Catholic Charismatic Renewal and small rural Protestant Pentecostal congregations are much more contained in their missionary zeal, compared to neo-Pentecostal churches and denominations.

  19. For Argentina, see Holvast 2009. It is important to note that mainline Protestant churches form only a tiny minority in Guatemala. Sociologist and theologian Heinrich Schäfer has already talked about an extinction of historic mainline churches, such as Presbyterians and Episcopalians. Email correspondence with Heinrich Schäfer, August 8, 2002.

  20. Susan D. Rose and Quentin Schultze wrote: “Three-quarters of Protestant churches are located in the provincial towns and countryside, where one-half of the population lives.” Susan D. Rose and Quentin Schultze 1993: 419.

  21. A representative of the CCR claimed that the movement is particularly successful among rural peasants and Mayans. Interview Luis Kelex (CCR). February 15, 2002. Guatemala City. This was confirmed by bishop Álvaro Ramazzini. Interview bishop Álvaro Ramazzini. November 9, 2001. San Marcos.

  22. This assessment is based on interviews with pastors, church leaders, representatives of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and participant observation, particularly in the municipalities of Comitancillo, Concepción Tutuapa, and San Miguel Ixtahuacán, March 2001 until February 2002. Linda and James Baartse (SIL), November 20, 2001, Tajumulco, San Marcos; Andy and Karen Vaters (SIL), July 16, 2001, Comitancillo,

    San Marcos; Wesley M. Collins (SIL), August 2, 2001, Guatemala City; Dennis Smith (CEDEPCA), April 23, 2001, Guatemala City; Domingo Güitz (ASIDE), June 12, 2001, Guatemala City; Orlando Valenzuela (Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo, Supervisor Region Los Altos), May 15, 2001, Quetzaltenango; church meeting Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo, 22 pastors present, December 4, 2001, District no. 6, Aldea El Colmito, San Miguel Ixtahuacán, San Marcos.

  23. Interview with Padre Hugo Estrada. February 18, 2002. Guatemala City.

  24. Services Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo July 5, 2001, Las Flores, Comitancillo San Marcos; September 12, 2001, Comitancillo, San Marcos; September 18, 2001, Chicajalaj, Comitancillo, San Marcos, Iglesia de Dios (independent), baptism and service, September 25, 2001, Ixmoco, Comitancillo San Marcos. Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo, meeting with the council of elders of the Church of God in Almolonga, June 19, 2001, Almolonga. Wake or Death Watch (Velorio), Iglesia del Príncipe de Paz, December 9, 2001, Chuena, San Miguel Ixtahuacán, San Marcos. Rosario and Rigoberto Fernández (pseudonyms, Catholic Charismatic Renewal), May, 2001, Quetzaltenango. This is in line with Cleary’s data on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal (Cleary 2009).

  25. Interview Fernando Suazo (former priest, Catholic Church employee). August 1998. Santa Cruz del Quiché. El Quiché.

  26. In my research I focused, among others, on the Iglesia de Dios del Evangelio Completo (in English Full Gospel Church of God), and small local independent Pentecostal churches in indigenous villages. Other churches and denominations included Asamblea de Dios, Ministerios Elim MI-EL, Central American Mission, Iglesia del Príncipe de Paz, Fraternidad Cristiana (capital), Iglesia Eben-Ezer (capital), Iglesia de Dios (capital), and Iglesia de Cristo Central Ministerio Rey de Reyes (capital).

  27. Interview Dennis Smith (CEDEPCA). April 23, 2001. Guatemala City.

  28. For neo-Pentecostal churches in rural areas, I would not apply this assessment.

  29. This is of importance when we consider the severe criticism that has erupted over tithing; the practice of giving a tenth of income to the church. In other words, the money that is collected stays in the hands of the family.

  30. It would be wrong to assume that there are no racial dynamics in the Pentecostal churches. Especially in larger denominations, the exclusion of Mayans from higher ranks is common. One example is the Alianza Evangélica Guatemalteca (AEG). In February 2002, the Evangelical Association had not a single indigenous member on its board. Hence, the churches reflect the existing ethnic structures and, unfortunately, contribute to their continuation. Interview Fermín Cuyuch (pastor IdDEC, Zone 7), February 10, 2002, Guatemala City. Interview Virgilio Zapata Arceyuz (Colegio Interamericano, AEG), February 10, 2002, Guatemala City.

  31. Interview Vitalino Similox (CIEDEG, Presbyterian Pastor. Guatemala City, May 14, 2001. In 2000, there were ongoing constructions of seven buildings that could seat between 2000 and 15,000 people. They were El Verbo, Iglesia de Cristo Rey de Reyes, Iglesia de Jesucristo la Familia de Dios, Fraternidad Cristiana de Guatemala, Misión Cristiana Evangélica Lluvias de Gracia, El Shaddai, Casa de Dios, Príncipe de Paz. Information provided by Rigoberto Manuel Gálvez Alvarado (Neo-Pentecostal Seminary and Iglesia La Familia de Dios). Interviews on February 8, 2002 and February 13, 2002, Guatemala-City.

  32. Interview with Rigoberto Manuel Gálvez Alvarado (neo-Pentecostal Seminary), February 8, 2002, Guatemala City; Abner Rivera (SEPAL), August 9, 2001, Guatemala City; Virgilio Zapata Arceyuz (AEG), February 20, 2002, Guatemala City. See also an interview with a superintendent of the Assemblies of God denomination (Orlando Herrera Pinzón) in 2001. Quoted by Roger W. Grossmann 2002: 399.

  33. Rigoberto Manuel Gálvez Alvarado (Neo-Pentecostal Seminary and Iglesia La Familia de Dios). Interviews on February 8, 2002 and February 13, 2002, Guatemala-City. Adolfo Barrientos, Adolfo (pastor, IdDEC, Zone 6), May 9, 2001, June 11, 2001, August 13, 2001, Guatemala City. Content analysis sermons Fraternidad Cristiana (Pastor Jorge L. López), May 13, 2001, Guatemala City; Iglesia de Cristo Central Ministerio Rey de Reyes (Apostel Alex González), May 27, 2001, Guatemala City; Iglesia Casa de Dios (Pastor Carlos “Cash” Luna), February 3, 2002, Guatemala City; and Iglesia Eben-Ezer (Apostel Sergio Enríquez), February 17, 2002, Guatemala City.

  34. In other words, neo-Pentecostals understand the world as a place of their making or rather as a place of their making because they count on the help of God. This conception is also called dominion theology (Schäfer 1992: 81).

  35. Harold Caballeros, pastor of El Shaddai is an exception. Caballeros tried to run for president in November 2007, but did not even enter the race, supposedly because he did not fill out the documents in time. In 2011 he tried again and also failed. This time he was accused of violating electoral law, stating that he pretended not to participate as a religious leader (Chután G. 2011). In November 2011, freshly elected president and ex-general Otto Pérez Molina, nominated Caballeros Minister of State. However, his time as political representative did not last long. In January 2013, Pérez Molina substituted him with Fernando Carrera, until then holding the office of Presidential Secretary for Planning and Development (SEGEPLAN). (Noticias de Guatemala November 13, 2011); (Publinews January 7, 2013).

  36. For a detailed description of El Shaddai’s missionary work among the indigenous population, see chapter four “Hands of Love: Christian Charity and the Place of the Indigenous” in Kevin O’Neill’s book City of God (2010).

  37. In my view, the participation of lower classes in neo-Pentecostalism has not been explained satisfactorily. Why do poor people participate in a movement that legitimizes wealth as a sign of God’s blessing, and ostracizes them for not having sufficient faith? For an example on the doctrinal aspect and class composition of Brazilian neo-Pentecostalism see Kraemer (2005).

  38. For this, see also Canton Delgado. One Protestant informant from the neo-Pentecostal Church El Shaddai told her, “El problema estriba en lo siguiente: éste fue un país idólatra de siglos, un país de hechicería y brujería, tan es así que … en este país la raza indigena, que es un 70% de la población de Guatemala, fue una raza que vivió la brujería, la hechicería, adoraban al dios sol y a la luna, y la hacían al culto a la serpiente […] ¡Entonces, este país era un país maldito, estaba maldito!” (Canton Delgado 1998: 229–230).

  39. Lisardo Ruiz (coordinator, MI-EL Elim), September 15, 2001, Comitancillo, San Marcos. The informant was not Mayan.

  40. General Efraín Ríos Montt, a member of the neo-Pentecostal church El Verbo has to be mentioned in this context. During his presidency (1982–83), massacres, gross human rights violations, and atrocities against the Mayan population reached unprecedented heights, leading to the question of whether his religious identity fostered genocide and crimes against humanity. For an excellent analysis, see Garrard-Burnett (2010).

  41. The peace negotiations and accords were an important factor that pushed the movement into the public arena and shaped the necessity of formulating goals and having indigenous leaders to present these.

  42. A well-known public figure who is recognized as part of this group is Nobel Peace Prize winner Rigoberta Menchú Tum.

  43. For instance, the state policies of the nineteenth century liberal governments contributed greatly to the exclusion and marginalization of the indigenous population, among other things by cutting down on indigenous land tenure in the indigenous communities. Later, in the 1920s, the indigenous population had to participate in forced labor campaigns for infrastructure projects.

  44. A piñata is a paper doll that is hung up during birthday parties. The doll is filled with sweets. With a stick and eyes blindfolded, the birthday child has to hit the doll until the sweets fall out.

  45. USIP–United States Institute of Peace Library, ed., Peace Agreements Digital Collection: Guatemala. Agreement on identity and rights of indigenous peoples. http://www.usip.org/files/file/resources/collections/peace_agreements/guat_950331.pdf

  46. The use of the Mayan calendar is another element which documents cultural continuity with the past. The calendar has lost its meaning in great parts of the country, meaning that it is no passed-on principle of a spiritual and agrarian order anymore.

  47. Against this backdrop, two tendencies can be observed: First, a collective, political use of Mayan ceremonies. They become more and more part of demonstrations, inaugurations of offices of NGOs, and public buildings, etc. Secondly, there is a strong individualization of religious practices which documents a change in life style, particularly of members of the Mayan movement. Especially the young, professional, Mayan elite, which has only scant contact with the rural communities, turn to Mayan ceremonies. The apparent return to a pre-colonial past is however a construct because it is not a religiosity that builds upon a traditional popular religiosity lived in rural communities, but upon the wish to practice an authentic, autochthonous spirituality.

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  1. Development Policy Events Service (Lecturer), German Society of European Academies, Bonn, Germany

    Andrea Althoff

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  1. Andrea Althoff
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Correspondence to Andrea Althoff.

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The author is thankful for the commentaries of two anonymous readers from the International Journal of Religion in Latin America

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Althoff, A. Divided by Faith and Ethnicity: Religious Pluralism and the Problem of Race in Guatemala. Int J Lat Am Relig 1, 331–352 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s41603-017-0026-1

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