Abstract
Using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) (2004, 2006, 2011, 2013 and 2015), we analyse the determinants of adult children’s transfers of money and time to their parents. Specifically, we focus on reciprocity: analysing resource transfers, in term of both time (i.e., informal care) and money (i.e., financial transfers), helps us understand how parent-to-child transfers may influence the probability of child-to-parent transfers. A multivariate probit model for 10 EU countries is used to simultaneously estimate the probabilities that informal care or financial transfers will be given by children to their parents and, conversely, by parents to their children. Using the longitudinal structure of the data, we consider both concurrent and intertemporal reciprocity. The evidence for reciprocity is different based on the type of transfer: we do not find evidence of reciprocity for time transfers (informal care provided to parents) except in the case of sons, for which a positive link between informal care given to parents and current financial transfers received from parents emerges. In contrast, we find a positive effect of parent-to-child transfers (both time and money) on the probability of child-to-parent financial transfers.
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Notes
The transfer of space (i.e. co-residence) is used as a determinant in our model (given that it affects the probability of receiving time-help); see par. 5.
Two measures can be used to disentangle the two models predicting reciprocity motives: parental income (the recipient’s income) and the amount of the financial transfer or the number of hours of informal care that children supply. The prediction of the exchange model is that there is a positive relationship between the recipient’s income and the financial transfer from givers to the recipient (Cox 1987 p. 519). Unfortunately we do not have these data on children. Even if we do not find a positive relationship (between parental income and transfers by children [prob(t > 0)]), this result may be a prediction of both the altruism and exchange motive hypotheses (Cox 1987).
There are no universal definitions for distinguishing between informal and formal care. Informal care is a somewhat heterogeneous commodity in terms of the differences in time investment and duration, the (number of) care tasks provided, its different components, such as house work (for instance, cleaning and cooking), personal care, including dressing, support with mobility, and administrative tasks and socializing (van den Berg, Brouwer, and Koopmanschap 2004; Arber et al. 1990).
A person is dependent if he/she has limitations in activities of daily living (ADLs) or instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs).
However, other studies have found evidence of neither a “crowding in” nor a “crowding out” effect of informal care on professional care. Instead, they have found evidence of a modification of private transfers depending on public transfers, suggesting a specialization hypothesis: professional providers take over medically demanding and regular physical care, whereas the family is more likely to provide less demanding, spontaneous help (see Brandt et al. 2009; Deindl and Brandt 2011).
Our sample is perfectly comparable with their sample given that we also have parent–child dyads; however, the amount given and the amount received are available in only two waves of the panel (2004 and 2006). To include in our model intertemporal transfers from parents to children, we need to use a longer version of the panel that imposes the limitation of not being able to consider the amount of transfers but only the dummy outcome variable.
Formal care and the social benefits received by parents play a controversial role. Public opinion seems to support the substitution idea (Daatland et al. 2011), i.e., the negative effect between formal and informal provision. However, research has largely supported the complementarity approach Other have written about informal and formal care, finding that in some cases, they are complements (Bolin, Lindgren, and Lundborg 2008; Bonsang 2009).
For more details, see https://www.share-project.org.
Recently, wave 7 (i.e., 2017) was carried out. We explored the possibility of updating the data. However, doing so was not possible because not all of the data on the children of the families that participated in wave 7 were available.
Different from Brugiavini et al. (2013), we focused on all types of families: single, couple or extended-type families.
And for whom we have all the necessary information (until the four children selected).
Parents could be associated more than once with their children given that they can have more than one child; thus, they may contribute to the sample more than once. However, in the empirical strategy, we estimate the model for children (thus, the dependent variables relate to children) to avoid the problem of repeated observations.
The share of children giving money and time transfers is below 2%. This result suggests that transfers from children are a phenomenon of minor relevance in the sample considered. However, as Leopold and Raab (2011) state, there is still room for exploring short-term reciprocity despite its current rarity because doing so might lead to new insights into the link between relationship quality and transfer behaviour and because short-term reciprocity might become more prevalent in ageing societies (see p.117). Moreover, this 2% of the sample consists of approximately 1,000 observation, which allows us to estimate a multivariate probit model without any problem of convergence.
As explained in the Appendix A.
To avoid collinearity with the children’s education level, we did not consider the parents’ educational level due to the higher correlation between them.
The results of eqs. 3, 4, 5 and 6 are available in Appendix A.
For individuals who do not make any transfers, this variable is calculated for their first interview. Finally, we interpolate missing values for the previous period with values from the last interview (2015).
However, we find that the unobservable characteristics of parents similarly affect the probability of giving money and time to their children (in both cases, the effect is positive; see Appendix A, Table A4).
In other words, there is evidence of short-term reciprocity, as in Leopold and Raab (2011).
This result is similar to that of Leopold and Raab (2011), who found that living within a 5-km radius of their parents increases the probability that their children will give informal care.
We used the OECD-modified scale first proposed by Hagenaars et al. (1994) to assign a value of 1 to the household head, 0.5 to each additional adult member and 0.3 to each child.
The FOS is an ordinal variable that captures the strength of perceived child-parent and child-grandparent obligations. It was computed applying an ordinal principal component analysis to the questions on questionnaire about duty and responsibility (for questionnaires submitted in 2004 and 2006); details on the construction of this variable are available from the corresponding author.
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Mazzotta, F., Parisi, L. Money and time: what would you give back to me? Reciprocity between children and their elderly parents in Europe. Econ Polit 37, 941–969 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40888-020-00181-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40888-020-00181-w