Abstract
In recent years a number of studies have explored possible sources of nonrandom error and response bias in survey data on religion. Building on a longstanding body of work in the social sciences, we examine a neglected issue in this domain: the potential for race-of-interviewer effects, specifically in African Americans’ self-reports of various dimensions of religiousness. After outlining two competing perspectives on this issue—which we term racial deference and racial solidarity—we test relevant hypotheses using data from the African American oversample of a nationwide study of older adults. Results indicate that older blacks tend to report higher levels of non-organizational religious practices and subjective religiousness when interviewed by whites. A number of implications and promising directions for future research are discussed.
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Notes
To explore this issue further, we conducted a brief analysis of GSS data from 2002, the year closest to that of the RAH survey. We compared the racial attitudes of whites ages 65 and over with those of their younger counterparts. The percentage of these persons indicating they would oppose or strongly oppose a close family member marrying a black person was: 58.5% among those 65 and over, as compared with 48.1% (55–64), 31.9% (45–54), 23.5% (35–44), and 18.1% (34 or younger). Other items were examined, including whites willingness to live in close proximity to African Americans, and whites stereotyping of African Americans (i.e., lazy, unintelligent). The results showed there were substantial age/cohort differences with those 65+ holding the most prejudiced views. Such patterns suggest that older African Americans have ample reason to be wary in their dealings with white strangers, given the persistent prejudice on the part of their white counterparts.
This line of argument is reminiscent of earlier arguments by Carr (1971), who argued that rates of acquiescence by lower-SES blacks to some survey items, such as those developed by Srole to tap “anomie,” are disproportionately high among lower-SES African Americans as compared with other social groups. Citing Ralph Ellison’s (1947) Invisible Man, Carr (1971) concluded that such acquiescence (or yes-saying) “has proved to be, historically, an effective rational tactic for survival” (p. 291) and that “acquiescence can be seen more as a tactic used in social interaction rather than a deep-rooted personality syndrome” (p. 292).
Although most of the work on the “semi-involuntary institution” has centered on the Black Church as an institutional presence in African American communities, Sherkat and Cunningham (1998) noted that non-organizational religious practices often take place in social settings, e.g., prayer and religious media consumption with family and friends. For that reason, they argue that non-conformity with broader norms about these behaviors can carry negative social sanctions, just as it can when individuals opt out of participation in congregational life. Thus, Sherkat and Cunningham (1998) contend that the semi-involuntary thesis is also germane to private religious consumption. This might suggest that African Americans interviewed by persons of their same race could feel pressured to overreport their non-organizational religious practices (and perhaps even their subjective religious perceptions) as well.
The RAH sample was originally designed to consist of equal numbers of African American and white elders. We dropped a small number of respondents who were queried by interviewers from a racial/ethnic background besides black or white (e.g., Latino, Asian). Missing cases on individual items were handled via listwise deletion, which allows the effective N in our analyses to vary somewhat across specific dependent variables.
Briefly, RAH items on organizational involvement and congregational activities were subjected to an exploratory principal components factor analysis using the FACTOR procedure in SAS version 9.1. Two clear factors emerged with eigenvalues greater than 1.5. Three items (attending services, attending Sunday School or Bible study groups, participating in prayer groups) loaded on the first factor at greater than 0.60, with loadings on the second factor at 0.20 or less. These three items were retained as the components of the organizational religious practices scale. Three different items (work around the church, working on church programs, leadership roles) loaded on the second factor at greater than 0.45, with similarly minimal loadings on the second factor. These latter three items were used to construct the congregational activism scale.
The seven items developed by Krause (2004) to measure attitudes regarding religion and race relations were subjected to an exploratory principal components factor analysis using the FACTOR procedure in SAS version 9.1. One again, two clear factors emerged with eigenvalues greater than 1.5. Five items (enumerated in the measures section of the article) loaded on the first factor at 0.50 or greater, with loadings on the second factor of 0.15 or less. This set of items was used to construct the scale of critical views. The remaining two items loaded on a second factor at greater than 0.70, loading on the first factor at less than 0.25. Therefore, the remaining two items were used to create our measure of deferential views on religion and race.
Several studies have maintained that the “semi-involuntary institution” thesis is particularly relevant to African American life in the South (Ellison and Sherkat 1995; Sherkat and Cunningham 1998; Hunt and Larry 2000). If that is the case, then one might expect for the patterns anticipated by H3 and H4 to be stronger among southern African Americans, as compared with those residing elsewhere. Although the best and most straightforward test of this idea would involve adding cross-product interaction terms (region × race of interviewer) to the OLS models in Table 2, unfortunately that is not feasible, due to a dearth of African American interviewers in some regions. Nevertheless, simple regional comparisons of the bivariate associations between race of interviewer and (a) organizational religiousness and (b) critical responses to items on religion and race relations suggest no support for this version of the “racial solidarity” perspective.
Although some studies over the years have focused on race-of-interviewer effects among both African Americans and whites, and it would be interesting to do so with regard to religion, that is not feasible with the RAH data. All but 12 of the 750 white respondents were interviewed by whites.
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Ellison, C.G., McFarland, M.J. & Krause, N. Measuring Religiousness Among Older African Americans: Exploring Race-of-Interviewer Effects. Rev Relig Res 53, 65–84 (2011). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13644-011-0002-9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13644-011-0002-9