Introduction

There is a large body of international research documenting poor levels of emotional wellbeing, poorer mental health and higher rates of suicidality among lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, asexual and other gender or sexually diverse (LGBTQA+) young people (Ferlatte et al., 2015; Ream, 2019; Wilson & Cariola, 2020). An international meta-analysis of data relating to suicidality indicated that suicidal ideation was twice as common among sexual minority youth compared to their heterosexual peers, while suicide attempts were three times as common (Marshal et al., 2011). Findings from a large community survey conducted in Australia in late 2019 indicate that 58.2% of LGBTQA+ young people (aged 14–21) had thoughts of taking their own life in the previous 12 months, while 10.1% had attempted to do so. Among cisgender participants of that study, both suicide ideation and attempts were considerably higher among those who had been subject to harassment or abuse on the basis of their sexuality or gender identity (Hill et al., 2022). Similarly, research among trans and gender diverse young people in Australia reports high rates of mental ill health and suicidality, with a clear association with experiences of abuse, harassment or discrimination (Strauss et al., 2019).

These concerning findings have, to some extent, shaped policy and programs to support LGBTQA+ young people in various parts of Australia. Such programs are often focused on provision of mental health services or crisis support (McDermott et al., 2021), aimed at improving mental health outcomes or preventing suicide. Findings relating to suicidality have also provided impetus for programs which seek to challenge homophobic attitudes and build support systems for LGBTQA+ young people such as school-based gay-straight alliances or anti-bullying programs (Rasmussen & Leahy, 2018). Both approaches are welcome and seek to address primary prevention of suicide, by reshaping historically challenging environments for LGBTQA+ young people and facilitating access to culturally safe mental health services for those in need.

The programs outlined above most often occur in professional, structured contexts of active intervention, as reflects the nature and scale of need. However, there are innumerate informal means by which the lives and identities of LGBTQA+ young people might be affirmed and, in so doing, create opportunities for young people to reshape their environment in ways that prevent suicidality or poor mental health. Non-clinical approaches may include peer-based interventions that build social connection and support for young people, with evidence from Australia reflecting the value of such efforts for both affected individuals and the person offering such help (Worrell et al., 2022a, b). Friendships that are supportive of sexuality or gender diversity, and families that are affirming of young people’s identity, are known to be highly protective of mental health and wellbeing (Allen et al., 2020; Hill et al., 2021). Interventions or processes that build opportunities for young people to build connection or become involved with communities or networks confer a sense of agency to young people that is often lost in research and interventions that focus on provision of mental health services (Lorimer et al., 2020). Statistics on negative mental health outcomes also tend to divert focus from young people’s strengths and capacities.

As Waidzunas (2012) has argued, the nature and experience of LGBTQA+ ‘youth’ is often defined by high profile statistics on poor mental health and suicidality. The dominant focus on these statistics in policy and practice risks embedding the message that being LGBTQA+ inevitably leads to suicidality or heightened vulnerability to poor mental health. While contemporary research has associated poorer mental health among LGBTQA+ young people with external factors (homophobia, alienation from family and friends, social isolation or school-based bullying) (Wilson & Cariola, 2020) — emphasising the need for structural and cultural reform, rather than pathologizing LGBTQA+ people — young people themselves are often positioned as passive, while their wellbeing is considered a problem to be solved through policymaking or investment in health programs. Similarly, research focused on coping and resilience often emphasises people’s individual psychological attributes or surrounding factors, such as a supportive family (Hillier et al., 2020). Again, this is important for understanding ways to invest in support for LGBTQA+ young people, but can have the effect of sidelining the perspective that young people have capacity to be critical actors within their social environment. This is an important oversight in studies relating to health. Research shows that a sense of agency — including the capacity to make choices and to act to support one’s health — is associated with better health outcomes (Lorimer et al., 2020). In addition, young people’s wellbeing may be influenced by their active engagement with supportive friends or community networks or by choosing ways to express sexuality and gender identity and building opportunities to experience their sexuality or gender in positive or joyful ways. Such work aligns with Positive Youth Development-based theories that speak to a common goal of creating environments that empower young individuals to flourish (Lerner, 2002). By focusing on strengths, connections, and supportive ecosystems, these theories reflect a holistic approach to nurturing the potential of the youth, ultimately contributing to their well-being and positive contributions to society.

In this paper, we particularly draw on the concept of ‘situated agency’ to broaden our understanding of young LGBTQA+ people’s perceptions of mental health and wellbeing and areas where they feel they have capacity to act in ways that support their wellbeing. We have adopted this concept from Hillier et al. (2020) who employed situated agency to understand the ways in which young trans people navigate the school environment. Schools are often sites where trans young people encounter victimisation and discrimination or where they are forced to conceal their gender. Yet, as Hillier et al. (2020) demonstrate, young people’s experiences of school are shaped by multiple choices and actions taken within the constraints of this environment — to express their gender (or not, or to do this selectively), to engage in advocacy, to avoid certain spaces or places, to take risks or to avoid risks. Without a concept of agency, defined as young people’s capacity to understand their circumstances, be reflexive and make choices (Hillier et al, 2020), accounts of young people’s experiences of homophobia or transphobia may be limited or neglect potential ways in which strategies of resistance or resilience could affect wellbeing. Our aim with this paper is not simply to understand factors that may protect against poor mental health or suicidality, but to better understand how young people view their own capacity to feel good in the context of their life and to draw attention to the spaces, places, activities and relationships that bring young people joy. A more in-depth understanding of this can directly inform community-based initiatives in ways that organically draw on strengths and creativity of LGBTQA+ young people.

In this paper, we present findings from a survey of LGBTQA+ young people in which participants were asked to describe, using open text comments, what makes them feel good about themselves. Our objective in asking this question was to draw on young people’s creativity and subjective experience to articulate what opportunities may exist to further support and affirm them, with the hope that, in turn, such findings can reinforce community engagement in, and leadership of, suicide prevention and mental health promotion interventions for this population.

Method

Data for this paper were drawn from Writing Themselves In 4, a large, anonymous, online survey of health and wellbeing among 14–21-year-old LGBTQA+ young people in Australia (Hill et al., 2021). The survey was open for completion for two months in late 2019 and was promoted via paid Facebook and Instagram advertising as well as via LGBTQA+ community organisations as well as youth organisations that serve this population. Eligible participants were those who indicated that they were aged 14–21, residing in Australia and identifying as LGBTQA+ or using synonymous terms to describe their identity. Those who did not affirm these characteristics were directed to a survey exit page. The project received approval from the La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee. Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Parental consent was not sought for those under the age of 18 on the basis that many participants may have not disclosed their gender identity or sexuality to their parents/guardians, or indeed may not have been supported at the point of doing so. No incentives for participation were provided and the survey took on average 21 mins to complete.

Measures

Questions in the survey covered a breadth of health and wellbeing measures as well as LGBTQA+ related experiences of stigma and discrimination that can operate in a range of settings (e.g., in educational contexts, in public, in the home). In terms of demographic characteristics, gender was assessed by asking participants to select from a list of 19 gender terms the one that best described their own, and could type in an alternative term. Based on advice from a specially formed Gender Reference Group, responses to this question were subsequently synthesised into cisgender man (participants who were assumed male at birth and selected only male as their gender identity), cisgender woman (participants who were assumed female at birth and selected only female as their gender identity) and then trans or gender diverse to encompass all additional gender categories. Sexual orientation was assessed by asking participants to choose, from a list of sexual orientation terms, the one that described their own sexual orientation, and could also type in additional terms relevant to them. For the purposes of analysis, these were grouped into ‘gay’, ‘lesbian’, ‘bisexual’, ‘pansexual’, ‘queer’, ‘asexual’, ‘homosexual’, ‘heterosexual’, ‘prefer not to answer’, ‘prefer not to have a label’, ‘do not know’ and ‘something different’. Due to small sample size, participants who identified as ‘homosexual’, ‘prefer not to have a label’ or ‘something different’ were all grouped into a ‘something else’ category.

Towards the end of the survey, all respondents were asked, “What makes you feel good about yourself?”.

Analysis

In total, 4751 young people (74% of the full survey sample) provided a short answer response to the question of what makes them feel good about themselves and were included in this analysis. Some of these answers included one or two words only, while many others included several sentences or short paragraphs. This constitutes a large and complex set of data, for which we employed a robust process of analysis and interpretation. Data were analysed using inductive thematic analysis (Green et al., 2007) and were organised and coded within Microsoft Excel. In the initial round of coding, one researcher (IM) undertook a close line-by-line reading of each response paying attention to the ways participants described emotions, actions, objects, or connections in their lives. Initial thoughts, reflections and interpretations were discussed in detail with JP and AB, with iterations to coding made over time. Theme names and descriptions were drafted at the end of this first stage before a second stage of line-by-line coding by IM was undertaken and responses coded to one or more of the themes identified. The process then followed a constant comparison method of qualitative data analysis (Glaser, 1965), in which responses that had been coded against each theme were reviewed on three occasions as the meaning and interpretation of each theme to determine where each response best fit. Through this process, the themes were developed and refined and there were many responses which were aligned with multiple themes. This process continued as this manuscript was drafted. Researchers met on eight occasions to crosscheck and discuss whether the themes were being appropriately represented. In any instance where IM was uncertain how a response should be coded, these were reviewed collectively by IM, JP and AB. Responses could be coded to more than one theme, depending on the content and breadth the answer provided. If a response was ambiguous (e.g., nonsensical, off-topic), or was too brief to enable interpretation (such as a single word), it was excluded from data analysis.

While initially considered as a possibility, the data were not analysed with respect to gender identity, sexuality or other intersectional characteristics. We acknowledge the heterogeneity of experiences among LGBTQA+ young people and always seek to reflect this in our other research. However, the relatively short responses to our question challenge our ability to make in-depth analyses and there is risk of making inaccurate interpretations of meaning as they may relate to LGBTQA+ sub-group membership. The data are, therefore, described at a whole-of-sample level, except in instances where very clear patterns were evident in how people responded (which specifically occurs with respect to trans or gender diverse participants).

Results

Participants

A summary of sample characteristics can be seen in Table 1. Around half were cisgender women, nearly a quarter were cisgender men with the remainder trans or gender diverse (noting a smaller proportion of trans women than other identities). Nearly two-thirds were at secondary school and almost a quarter at university at the time of data collection. The majority (57%) were living in the outer suburbs of capital cities while over a quarter were living in regional towns or cities. Nearly nine-tenths were born in Australia with the remainder approximately equally distributed across other English-speaking and non-English speaking countries. The demographic profile of those who provided a response to the specific question under examination in this paper closely mirrors the wider survey sample from which these data are drawn. A relatively large proportion of participants reported living with a disability but this included those with a long-term mental health condition, which is relatively high among this population compared to cisgender and/or heterosexual young people (Marshal et al., 2011).

Table 1 Participant demographic characteristics
Full size table

Findings

Following robust analysis, six key themes were developed that encapsulate what made LGBTQA+ young people feel good about themselves: (1) connection with significant others, (2) self-affirmation, (3) affirmation from others, (4) finding people to identify with (role models or LGBTQA+ people in the media), (5) creating and doing and (6) making a positive difference in the world. In addition, there was a seventh theme that included responses in which some participants told us that nothing made them feel good about themselves. As these data do not specifically answer our research question, they are not considered within the results section, but we do reflect on the context of such responses in the discussion.

While we have a large sample size in this study, these are qualitative data and, as such, we have maintained a focus on meaning and context, rather than seeking to quantify how often such responses occurred. We have, however, described the themes in this section in the order in which they were most commonly reflected in the dataset.

Connection with Significant Others: Friends, Lovers (and Sometimes Family)

The importance of connection to friends or family in helping young people feel good about themselves was expressed in various ways throughout the data. Many responses were limited to one or a few words, such as: “my friends”, “my best friend” or “hanging out with my friends”. Many also described specific events or circumstances participants undertook with their friends that make them feel good, such as “going out with friends”.

There were many responses which clearly indicated the importance of being connected with LGBTQA+ friends. This related to having friends with whom people felt they could be themselves, such as one person who wrote, “[I feel] completely comfortable with [my friends], no need to hide myself at all” (age 18). Other responses referred to the importance of LGBTQA+ friends who had similar life experiences. Participants wrote: “Having [LGBTQA+] friends I can relate to and who I know support me” (age 17) and “Being a part of a community and interacting /having queer/[LGBTQA+] friends” (age 19). Another wrote about how they found their group through their LGBTQA+ friends:

“Recognising the close friendships that I have with people. Before coming out I felt very lonely and like I wasn't really part of any group or had any close connections to people. Now I do and for that I am grateful for myself and my perseverance.” (age 20).

Access to support or affirmation was often mentioned in relation to friendships, such as “When my friends are supportive and proud of my achievements” (age 17). Another participant emphasised the importance of ‘chosen family’ and the significance of having had opportunities to create family through their friendship networks:

“My friends make me feel good about myself. I have lots of amazing and kind friends that have my back and constantly support me in everything I choose to do. All of them are willing to sit and talk with me if I am bothered by something and I am forever grateful for them. I have found and created new families in the groups of friends I have made, both in school and [LGBTQA+] mates outside of school. I have also begun to feel good about myself in the way I present me to the world and how I approach life. .” (age 15).

A focus on support and affirmation was also evident in responses that referred to romantic or sexual relationships. For example, one participant wrote “the way my girlfriend looks at me” (age 20) or “I was texting this one guy, and he said I was sexy, and it was so sweet” (age 16).

Families featured in many participant’s responses, most often in relation to support, such as “when my friends and family support me regarding being lesbian” (age 17), or the ways in which spending time with their family made participants feel good. One participant wrote, “The connections I make with other people, and spending time with these people. I like to feel like I’m wanted and close to others, so having others want to spend time with me makes me feel really good. Also talking to my mum and feeling valued by both my parents is a great way to feel good.” (age 21).

Overall, family (family of origin or family of birth) was mentioned less often than friendships or chosen family, and sometimes in more complex terms. Many young people referred to challenging relationships with their family, such as the quotation cited previously where the participant referred to “creating new families through friendships”. In some cases, young people referred to strategies through which they managed to feel good about themselves and their family despite previous challenges or tensions. One participant drew family, friendship and romance together writing:

“Hearing my friends compliment me, calling me the Mum of the group. They keep saying I'm the glue of the group, and although I have a huge problem accepting nice things about myself (Thanks Dad!), I'm trying to get over that constantly negative mindset for them. Having my Mum, step-dad and lil’ brother … smile at me and hug me, being excited to see me. I'm glad to have them in my life. Calling my boyfriend and having him also compliment me. He's an angel, I swear. His laugh always lights me up” (age 15).

Affirmation from Myself: How “Being Me” Makes me Feel Good About Myself

The responses of many young people described the ways their sense of self or identity, and how they express their sense of self to others, is central to what makes them feel good about themselves. This sense of self related not just to sexual or gender identity but to the way people saw themselves in the world — as someone who was smart, or beautiful, or funny. Common to this theme were descriptions from young people about how they affirm themselves, for example, “Telling myself I'm intelligent. Loving my body. Wearing clothes that show off my body.” (Age 21).

In many cases, responses that referred to self-affirmation alluded to an experience of growth or a journey the young person had taken to learn how to help themselves feel good about who they are. For example, one participant wrote, “my resilience and perseverance” (age 21). Another wrote that they feel good when they are able to express themselves and not engage with external criticism: “When I dress the way I want to without noticing judging stares” (age 18).

Responses which, in various ways, described young people’s sense of confidence to visually and publicly express their identity or sense of self were common within this theme. One participant described this as “dressing to express” (age 20). Another participant wrote that what makes them feel good about themselves is, “Being able to express myself through clothing and art and how I let the world see me” (age 14). Many responses referred to clothing, hairstyles and makeup as helping them feel good about themselves because these things enabled self-expression and for people to ‘read’ them as LGBTQA+ . For example, one participant wrote that what makes them feel good is “wearing a binder and trans masc clothes [with] a Feminine Twist” (age 16). Responses about styling oneself through fashion and accessories or makeup or hair were typical of this theme and often began with “wearing” or “when I wear” or even simply “my hair”. One participant wrote, “When I look masculine, when I am wearing the clothes I like, when I do my hair, when I do cool eyeshadow looks” (age 16). Another wrote, “When I get to show my gender expression through different means such as clothing or hairstyles” (age 19) and another, “Washing my hair and dressing like a dyke, also my shirt that says ‘keep calm, I’m going to be a dad’” (age 16). One participant just referred to, “My short hair”.

Being Affirmed by Others: Feedback from the World

The theme of affirmation through their feedback from the world refers to the ways in which many young people referred to the direct feedback they receive from others as something that helps them to feel good. In many cases, people referred to compliments, people saying kind or nice things to them, or people noticing their achievements. For example, one participant wrote, “When someone says something nice to me, even something as simple and shallow as ‘I like your hair today’” (age 15). Another wrote, “When people give me positive feedback about my art/work” (age 14).

However, for many, affirmation was about recognition and validation of their sexuality or gender identity. This came in various forms. For some, validation was achieved by blending into a crowd. The absence of any attention is what affirmed or validated them. This was a particularly salient theme for young trans or gender diverse participants, as one participant wrote, it makes them feel good, “When I flatten my chest and pass as a skinny skater dude” (age 19). Another wrote, “When people just see me as cis” (age 19).

Many participants wrote about the ways being called by their chosen name or pronouns helped them to feel good. One participant wrote, “Styling myself to look androgynous, being called by my nickname” (age 15). Another wrote, “Wearing masculine clothing and binders, being called by my name and pronouns, talking to friends and family who won’t get it wrong, watching/reading fiction/non-fiction about queer people” (age 17). “When people/someone…” or “having people [say/do]…” were common openings to responses which referred to feedback or affirmation from others. For instance, one participant wrote:

“When people get confused about my gender or assume that I’m female, when people use my chosen name, wearing nice clothes that fit my gender identity that actually suit my body” (age 21).

The term “being able to” was used by many young people to describe how others in their life directly or indirectly affirm them, even though many people contextualised this in a more difficult history. For example, one participant wrote, “being able to finally cut my hair short after so much arguing with my mum” (age 16). Another wrote, “Me just being able to be me with no consequences. I’m not afraid” (age 18). The complex interplay of these experiences was evident in some responses, such as:

“Being called he/him, boy, man, and my chosen name. Being able to wear men’s clothing comfortably and in public. Being able to have the short hairstyle that I prefer.” (age 14).

For many, affirmation was about being given space to express themselves without judgement, and to be accepted for their choices and identities, as one participant wrote, “When I (a girl) tell people about my girlfriend and they react just like they would if I were dating a boy. When people are understanding and accepting of the fact that I can’t tell one of my parents about my girlfriend, instead of implying that that's wrong” (age 16).

People to Identify with: Media and Representation

Positive representation of LGBTQA+ people in the media, especially, but not limited to, mainstream media, was cited as something that made people feel good about themselves, as one participant wrote, “Listening to [LGBTQA+] musicians and seeing LGBT people in movies and shows with good representation” (age 20). Another wrote, “Reading books that feature LGBTQI + characters. Reading about [LGBTQA+] icons and watching movies about them. Helping my friends with schoolwork and playing music with/without my friends and family. Making people laugh and creating whenever I can” (age 16). Another wrote, “Seeing [LGBTQA+] characters. Seeing [LGBTQA+] support in media and from celebrities and such" (age 17) and another, “Seeing non sexualised representation of lesbians in media” (age 17). One person wrote about wanting to see more representation on television:

“I am a stunning, intelligent person who is proud of my [LGBTQA+] status, despite limited help from my very religious, but beautiful, Islamic family. I think if we saw more [LGBTQA+] characters who are of middle eastern or north African descent on TV etc, that would help others feel good too. I am a good person and love to help others and would love to see more help for [LGBTQA+] youth to be able to deal with issues when you are from an immigrant family” (age 18).

For young people in this study, media included social media, memes and vlogs in which many participants were involved as a creator or distributor, as one participant wrote, “Doing the creative things that I enjoy doing (reading, writing, acting, filmmaking, makeup). Sharing information and support regarding social issues (including LGBTQA+ issues) on social media” (age 21). Another wrote about how social media is the one place they find diverse representation.

“Seeing positive LGBTQA+ and Indigenous representation through media, social media, and through school. This rarely happens outside of social media and friends” (age 15).

Creating and Doing: Activities and Achieving

Many young people’s responses to what made them feel good referred in some way to their achievements or to the act of being creative or creating something. Common verbs used in these responses included creating, making, achieving, doing, playing, performing, practicing, learning and dancing. Dancing was often cited, with references to structured dance practice (such as taking dance classes) or unstructured dancing (such as by oneself in one’s bedroom). For many young people, it was the activity, the sense of success that came with achieving something or doing well and the feedback from others that combined to help them feel good about themselves. One participant wrote, “Creating something I can be proud of (art; finishing an assignment)” (age 19). Another wrote, “Feeling fulfilled in my creative career. Achieving my goals, working hard and being able to feel satisfied” (age 21). Academic achievement and getting good grades were cited by many young people as something that made them feel good. One participant wrote, “When my hard work pays off (e.g., Good grades), being able to express myself through music, and hanging out with supportive friends. When people recognise my achievements or compliment me I also feel good about myself” (age 17). Another wrote, “My friends, my sporting achievements, being a helpful and caring person, getting recognition for my efforts, getting good grades” (age 16).

Many young people also responded with descriptions of how just doing anything, keeping busy or feeling productive helped them feel good about themselves, as one participant wrote, “When I am on task and don’t procrastinate or manage to do a lot of things in a day” (age 18).

Making a Positive Difference in the World

For many of the young people, feeling good was related to making a positive difference to their world through volunteering, activism, helping others or having influence on their peers or younger people, particularly in their LGBTQA+ communities. Some people offered brief descriptions which alluded to helping others or “being kind to others” (age 17). Others referred to gestures such as making other people laugh, “When I make someone laugh or create something that is appreciated or help someone in need” (age 18). Many young people wrote longer descriptions about supporting others or making a positive difference in people’s lives, particularly within school communities. One person wrote, “Knowing that people can look up to me and that I can make others smile” (age 15). Another wrote, “That I am a leader for the younger gay boys at my school” (age 16) and another wrote, “Being with my dogs and sometimes my family. Also finishing a lot of homework makes me feel great. Standing up for [LGBTQA+] people at my extremely homophobic, transphobic school makes me feel amazing despite the fact that I get punished” (age 16). For some young people, activism or volunteering was their way of giving back, as the following responses show: “Volunteering, going to rallies, being involved in political action. Developing close, communicative friendships and providing/receiving support” (age 19) and “Volunteering for diversity act (the [LGBTQA+] charity I’m president of)” (age 19).

Many responses referred to feeling valued by others and wanting to give this feeling back to others in some way, as one person wrote, “When I help others and can see the change that I have made is often the best form of happiness. This is why I tutor as a part time job. Also achieving well in exams, or when someone sends you a message to hang out and you didn’t expect it, so you feel that your company is valued.” (age 20). Others referred to their capacity for care and empathy as something that made them feel good, as the following response shows: “I feel I am a good person, and I have a high level of empathy for other marginalised people bred from my own experiences” (age 20).

Related to the theme of making a positive difference, many participants spoke about the role that nurturing or caring for people, pets or plants made in helping them to feel good. One participant wrote, “How I can care for my pets and how I help my friends get through psychological stuff” (age 17).

Discussion

Overwhelmingly, findings reported in this paper highlight the significance of positive social connection and self-expression for LGBTQA+ young people’s wellbeing. Young people also clearly expressed their desire to be active in the world, to create things and to make a positive difference, as a strategy to feel good about themself.

These findings offer valuable insights for policy and programming, particularly in acknowledging and centring young people’s capacity to understand, and reflect on, their own wellbeing needs and to take action in response through such things as building friendships, challenging negative or discriminatory attitudes, and celebrating creative self-expression. Such creativity and resilience, all too often necessary in the face of verbal harassment or abuse (Hill et al, 2022), can be amplified by providing space and support for young people to pursue their identities and interests and through creating opportunities for community connection, volunteering and diverse media representation.

Social policy in relation to LGBTQA+ young people has often been devised in responses to negative, and often alarming, statistics about poor mental health and suicidality among LGBTQA+ young people. Understandably, service responses tend to focus on the mental health sector, ensuring that young people have access to counselling programs and crisis intervention (McDermott et al., 2021). However, findings reported in this paper point to the importance of a more expansive policy and service response to include a wide range of settings/sites including schools, community settings and youth services that provide social networks, and supports for families. Findings from the broader survey from which data described in this paper were drawn (Hill et al., 2021) reflect that only a small proportion of LGBTQA+ young people who reported challenging period with their mental health had actually utilised formal mental health services. This is reflected in these open text data where few people mentioned psychologists or counsellors as contributing to what helps them feel good. It is possible, of course, that they may have had limited access to such care or they/their families lacked the necessary financial resources. It’s also possible, given concerns documented elsewhere in the literature, that their engagement with professional support services was curtailed given fears of stigma or discrimination from a mental health practitioner, or from their parents in a context of reach out for help (Lim, Waling, Lyons, Pepping & Bourne, 2021a; b). Many did, however, describe skills of self-affirmation which may have been taught or learned through formal counselling. Such insight was also likely gained through their experiences as an LGBTQA+ person who, due to homophobia and transphobia, has simply had to engage in a complex understanding of their world and their own wellbeing.

Friendships were central to what young people in this study described as helping them to feel good. For many participants, friendships with other LGBTQA+ young people were especially important, often facilitating a sense of affirmation and belonging. Such findings align with thoughts expressed by Waidzuna (2012) that policy should not aim to position poor mental health and suicidality as the ‘problem’ that needs to be alleviated, as this individualises LGBTQA+ young people’s experiences and deflects the focus toward the need for mental health initiatives to ‘fix’ LGBTQA+ young people. Instead, the policy ‘problem’ should be the fact that LGBTQA+ young people often struggle to build networks of supportive friends and that families can also be absent for some young people. Working with young people to build these networks and, with them, a social world that is supportive, should be a focus of interventions to support LGBTQA+ wellbeing.

While hair and makeup may seem flippant or trivial responses to ‘what makes someone feel good’, these acts were significant and meaningful for many of our participants. Hair, clothing, and makeup were all elements through which young people could express their identify and sense of who they were — or who they wanted to be. Moreover, presentation was often a way that young people expressed joy in being LGBTQA+ . This was especially the case for those who were trans or gender diverse. Many young people linked style (hair, makeup, clothing, tattoos) to a sense of liberation or affirmation, in many cases describing the ways this made them feel good because it was a struggle in some way to wear these clothes or makeup or hairstyles. Some people felt good if they could wear their clothes without fearing or caring about others’ judgement and others felt good wearing a hairstyle because it was significant in their coming out journey. For many, clothing was an expression of ‘gender euphoria’ (Jacobsen & Devor, 2022), something that enabled them to express the joy in being trans or queer. Enjoyment of being trans or queer is an important part of LGBTQA+ young people’s experience that is often overlooked in research on LGBTQA+ young people. This may be because the fact that many young people find joy and fulfilment in their queerness can be difficult to express, or draw attention to, without undermining the reality that this joy is also often mixed with challenges and struggles navigating queer or trans identity within the world (Beischel et al., 2022). This was evident in these findings. Many young people’s descriptions revealed the ways they held joy in their sexuality or gender presentation (clothing or hair or makeup) alongside experiences of negativity, judgment or repercussions from schools, families and the wider community. For some, expressing their style felt good because they had been able to challenge such resistance — hair and makeup reflected a critical stance adopted by them. For others, playing with gender presentation, dressing up or expressing themselves was a simple act of happiness. Either way, the responses young people wrote relating to hair, makeup or clothing demonstrated that they very much understood the reasons why their queer self-expression was politically and socially significant, as well as being personally important. Situated agency, for these young people, was enacted in gestures of self-expression that were perhaps small, but also significant, and important to happiness and wellbeing.

Other research has drawn attention to the role that community connectedness plays in shaping wellbeing (Kaniuka et al., 2019) with evidence to indicate that being part of community may act as a buffer for LGBTQA+ young people against the negative impact of marginalisation and discrimination (Wolowic et al., 2017). Visibility, itself further enabled by freedom of expression, may assist with building networks and finding community. However, as Lorimer et al. (2020) argue, agency (the capacity to reflect, make choices and act) is equally important for young people’s health and wellbeing. For LGBTQA+ young people, agency is likely to be supported by capacity to reflect critically on the nature of LGBTQA+ marginalisation and discrimination, so that experiences of rejection of bullying can be understood in broader social and structural terms. Critical reflection thus facilitates the deflection of blame or shame from themselves as individuals (Lorimer et al., 2020). Previous research has illustrated the importance of activism and advocacy in supporting individual wellbeing (Smith et al., 2014). It may be that activism or advocacy work helps build a sense of collective support and friendship, while also building people’s sense of agency, encompassing skills in critical reflection as well as a sense of capacity to act and enact choices.

Another key theme in young people’s responses to what made them feel good related to making a positive difference in the world — helping others, supporting people, making people happy, even making other people laugh. This may be particularly important to people who have experienced stigma/discrimination (Lyons et al., 2021), and who are likely to hold empathy toward others who are having similar experiences. Again, this points to the importance of young people building a sense of collective and situated agency and wanting to be active in their communities. Youth-led services, programs and initiatives (peer programs) should thus be central to a policy or service response.

Not included within the results section are the responses from participants who said that nothing made them feel good about themselves, some of whom expressed significant challenges in their life and in their mental health. Such responses appeared somewhat more common among participants who were trans or gender diverse. These experiences should not be overlooked and likely reflect the high rates of mental ill-health and suicidality observed among LGBTQA+ young people (Hill et al., 2022; Strauss et al., 2019). Such responses from participants are further evidence of the need for affirming practices, drawing on the strengths, creativity and agency of young people themselves.

Limitations

This paper describes an exploratory analysis of responses to an open-ended question about what makes LGBTQA+ young people feel good about themselves. While many responses were extensive, some comprised only several words and were occasionally ambiguous. A dedicated and more extensive qualitative examination of this topic, perhaps via a series of in-depth interviews with LGBTQA+ young people, may provide further insight regarding the themes noted in this study. Furthermore, it is plausible that young people’s responses were contingent upon the specific context and focus of the survey, thereby providing a small glimpse into participants’ perspectives on what makes them feel good at a specific juncture in their lives. Nonetheless, the large, diverse sample, and the scope and breadth of the dataset outlined in this paper provide significant insight and understanding of what makes LGBTQA+ young people feel good about themselves, which may also be useful for informing further research.

Conclusion

The findings described in this paper affirm the importance of social supports, investing in social groups for LGBTQA+ young people, and promoting positive role models and media representation of LGBTQA+ people. A desire for connection, acceptance, contribution, belonging, and to express oneself and to be seen and be affirmed, was central in young people’s narratives. For some, this was as simple as being allowed to wear their preferred hairstyle. For others, a sense of connection and affirmation came from creating music or artwork they knew others appreciated. Supporting young LGBTQA+ people through mental health services and social/support programs is important. However, it is also important that people who work with LGBTQA+ young people, as well as their friends, families and supporters, acknowledge LGBTQA+ young people’s capacity to know what they need in order to fare well, provided they are afforded the space and support to do this. Alongside investment in mental health services, a focus of policy and programming should be responding to the absence of support, affirmation, and opportunities for meaningful connection and self-expression that many LGBTQA+ young people encounter.