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In the Thick of Moral Motivation

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Abstract

We accomplish three things in this paper. First, we provide evidence that the motivational internalism/externalism debate in moral psychology could be a false dichotomy born of ambiguity. Second, we provide further evidence for a crucial distinction between two different categories of belief in folk psychology: thick belief and thin belief. Third, we demonstrate how careful attention to deep features of folk psychology can help diagnose and defuse seemingly intractable philosophical disagreement in metaethics.

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Notes

  1. For example, it’s not clear that we made Michael abnormal or irrational in the second half of the story. Rather, as Stocker put the point, such a “course of life” seems “typical” (1979, p. 741).

  2. For empirical work on moral judgments made by psychopaths (or people with so-called “acquired sociopathy”) see Roskies (2006, 2008). For empirical work on ordinary judgments about moral motivation about psychopaths see Nichols (2002, 2004).

  3. Gendler (2008a, b) draws an orthogonal distinction between ‘belief’ and ‘alief’. Further work is required to determine whether this interacts with our classification of thick and thin belief. For how the alief/belief distinction might bear on moral motivation and moral phenomenology, see Kriegel (2012). For yet another theoretical account of the different psychological states that might be implicated in the debate between internalists and externalists see Kauppinen (2015).

  4. Buckwalter et al. (2015) replicate this effect for thick and thin belief across several experiments using a number of different cover-stories.

  5. For a similar and insightful conceptual move in the debate about free will see May (2014).

  6. Theorizing about the nature of verbal disputes must be saved for another occasion. See Chalmers (2011, p. 522) for one general working definition that “a dispute over S is (broadly) verbal when for some expression T in S, the parties disagree about the meaning of T, and the dispute over S arises wholly in virtue of this disagreement regarding T.”

  7. If we weren’t joining an ongoing controversy in medias res, we would use different, simpler cases. Part of the reason, as we discuss below, is that certain details of Stocker’s original politician case suggest that it is not a fair test of internalism.

  8. As with the experiments reported below, participants were recruited using Amazon Mechanical Turk, tested online using Qualtrics survey software, and compensated $0.15 for approximately 2–3 min of their time. Participants were not allowed to re-take any survey reported here, and participants who had taken previous similar surveys were excluded by their AMT Worker ID. Participants were located in the United States. Preliminary analysis revealed no effects of participant age or gender on the dependent variables, so the analyses that follow collapse across those demographic variables. The same is true in all the other experiments reported in this paper.

  9. Seven participants were removed from the analysis for failing a comprehension question.

  10. In order to employ more powerful statistical tests to detect patterns in belief ascription, we also created a belief-confidence measure. This measure took answers given to the dichotomous belief questions and combined them with scalar confidence judgments (e.g. “How confident are you in the answer you just gave to the previous question?”). Using this more sensitive measure, we detected the same pattern of results reported on dichotomous scales throughout the paper and, thus, omit these analyses for simplicity.

  11. Dreier (1990, p. 12) notes a similar point when he writes of Stocker’s original politician case that being asked to imagine a person who “would not lift a finger, as it were, to achieve what he believes to be good” would “strain our imaginative power.”

  12. One participant was removed from the analysis for answering that the protagonist “still has some” motivation for helping the poor.

  13. Three participants were removed from the analysis for failing comprehension or motivation checks in Experiment 3.

  14. We credit an anonymous referee for raising this objection.

  15. Three participants were removed from the analysis for failing comprehension or motivation checks in Experiment 4.

  16. Insofar as participants’ judgments about the possibility of moral requirements in Strandberg and Björklund’s experiments serve as proxy for sincere moral judgments in our own.

  17. To that extent our discussion assumes that philosophers are people too and, thus, aren’t immune to the influence of folk psychology. For similar results to this effect see Vaesen et al. (2013) suggesting that epistemic intuitions of professional epistemologists are sensitive to native language, and results by Schulz et al. (2011) suggesting that certain personality differences among experts predict intuitions about free will and moral responsibility. For studies involving heuristics and biases among professionals see Machery (2012); Schwitzgebel and Cushman (2012, 2015); Knobe and Samuels (2013); Tobia et al. (2013).

  18. For more on the role of assertion in demarcating categories of thick and thin belief see Rose et al. (2014).

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Buckwalter, W., Turri, J. In the Thick of Moral Motivation. Rev.Phil.Psych. 8, 433–453 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13164-016-0306-3

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