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Roman roads and waterways in the Roman Province Baetica: the relationship Via Augusta–Baetis (Guadalquivir) in the economic conquest via the rivers

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Abstract

The Roman Baetis (Guadalquivir) river is really the best example in Hispania of the conquest and/or exploitation of a territory by a river. In addition to being navigable, at least from Corduba (Córdoba), the Guadalquivir flows through a large, cultivated area open to the Atlantic Ocean. As a consequence, the Roman Province Baetica provided the perfect combination to Rome for a profitable exploitation of its resources: fertile ground and a waterway (the Guadalquivir) to transport any surpluses faster, safer and, above all, more profitable than with overland route. This explains why an economic policy was started under Emperor Augustus, that this paper defines as economic conquest via rivers. The aim of this contribution is to show that there was a close connection between the course of the Lower Guadalquivir and the Via Augusta from Hispalis (Sevilla) to Gades (Cádiz). It is a region whose geographic physiognomy has experienced such substantial transformations, that the present landscape has nothing to do with the landscape from 2000 years ago. This observation raises questions about the course of the riverbed, the route of the merchant-vessels from Hispalis to the Atlantic Ocean and, finally, the route of Via Augusta. Answering them requires connecting archaeological, literary and epigraphic evidence. This study aims to show a new direction for the study of the waterways, including relations between waterways and roads in the Roman world.

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Fig. 1

© Author, elaborated from Earth. Image taken on August 27, 2022

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© Author, elaborated from https://es-es.topographic-map.com/maps/6olb/España/. Image taken on May 31, 2021

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© Author, elaborated from https://es-es.topographic-map.com/maps/6olb/España/. Image taken on May 31, 2021

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Notes

  1. Strabo’s information comes from Polybius, Artemidorus and Posidonius, and he analyses Turdetania in terms of the economic benefits that it could give to Rome. This economic approach explains his detailed description of the river’s navigability, as this was the best route for exporting the region’s riches to the largest market in the Empire, the city of Rome. For the importance of economic factors in Strabo see Cruz Andreotti (1994, pp. 71–73).

  2. The textual meaning of ὁλκάδες is “ships that are towed”. It refers to Roman corbitae, large, slow merchant ships. For more about this ship, see Casson (1995, pp. 162–182).

  3. This figure is close to that of 95 km given by the Confederación Hidrográfica del Guadalquivir for this stretch.

  4. These were small boats with a round hull and high stern driven by oars. They were highly suitable for inland navigation (Parodi Álvarez 2001, p. 33).

  5. About 40 or 50 km away from the mouth of the Genil, along which many Dressel 20 amphoras have been found (Berni Millet 2008, p. 383).

  6. We should also mention the Corbones, another tributary, along with the Genil and the Guadiamar. Although this river is not mentioned by classical sources, amphora findings prove that its lower stretch was navigable, at least up to Real Tesoro (Abad Casal 1975, p. 63).

  7. His description of Baetica is more like that of a eulogist than of a geographer, but it is very useful when one wishes, in the words of Arce, to “indicate the places from which greater benefits may be obtained” (Arce 1989, p. 217).

  8. According to estimates made by Sillières on the influence of the cost of transport, the final price of a product doubles if it is transported by land after 150 km, and beyond 20 km the product’s price increases by 17.2% to 21.6% (Sillières 2000–2001, p. 438).

  9. A series of routes ran parallel to the Guadalquivir (Corduba—Cástulo via Iliturgi and Corduba—Italica—Hispalis), while other transversal routes connected to these, either from the coast (Corduba—Carteia or Corduba—Malaca) or from the Guadiana (Hispalis—Emerita or Corduba—Emerita). For a detailed study of the road network in Baetica, see Sillières (1990), Corzo Sánchez and Toscano San Gil (1992), Melchor Gil (1995), and Roldán Hervás and Caballero Casado (2014, pp. 36–63).

  10. On the navigability of this stretch, see Chic García 1990 and, more recently, Melchor Gil 2008–2009; Parodi Álvarez (2001, pp. 163–186). The distribution of the pottery determines the small variations that the riverbed has undergone, for which see Berni Millet 2008 (with interesting drawings).

  11. This occurs in the cases of the Ebro and the Duero, as we have already shown (Castillo 2016, Castillo 2018).

  12. This road connected the capitals of the province’s four legal convents (Gades, Hispalis, Astigi and Corduba). Its complete route is detailed in the Vicarello Cups and Antonine Itinerary. In the latter the via Augusta corresponds with the following road stretches: de Italia in Hispanias (Itin. Ant. 390.3–391.1), ab Arelato Narbone inde Tarracone Karthagine Spartaria Castulone (Itin. Ant. 397.7–402.1), a Corduba Castulone (Itin. Ant. 402.6–403.3), a Gadis Corduba (Itin. Ant. 409.1–410.3), ab Hispali Corduba (Itin. Ant. 413.1–413.5). In the Ravenna Cosmography, see 315.3–5 and 306.3–5.

  13. For more on this route, see Sillières (1990, pp. 306–314) and Corzo Sánchez and Toscano San Gil (1992, pp. 89–126).

  14. Mud plains near the coast that are influenced by tides (Arteaga Matute et al. 2008, p. 22).

  15. A large part of these marshlands is now uncultivated, and the Natural Park covers an area of 10,000 ha of muddy plains, marshlands, salt marshes, beaches, and pine forests, which makes up one of the Iberian Peninsula’s most important coastal wetlands (Luna Barco and San Román Vidal 2013, p. 14).

  16. Its measurements almost fully match current measurements of 18.4 km long (Mapas provinciales de España: Cadiz, 1:200,000), so it is possible that Eritheya was included in Strabo’s calculation, as he does not mention anything about this island’s length.

  17. The coastline between Rota and El Puerto de Santa María.

  18. For more about these ports and the work of Arteaga Matute, see Ferreiro López (2008, pp. 311–312).

  19. The results of this project, led by Oswaldo Arteaga Matute, Horst D. Schulz, and Anna-Maria Roos, have been published in volume 10 (2008) of the Revista Atlántica-Mediterránea de Prehistoria y Arqueologia Social. For more on the urban evolution of ancient Cadiz, see Arteaga Matute et al. (2001a, b).

  20. It is difficult to determine whether the Guadalete and San Pedro rivers flowed into the same river basin or if, due to the silting of the bay, they were already independent (Arteaga Matute et al. 2008, p. 82).

  21. Proof of this silting process in the area of the current Caño de Sancti Petri is the fact that previous pottery workshop areas were abandoned and moved to the north, to the western coast of San Fernando, in contact with the sea (Alonso Villalobos et al. 2003, p. 326).

  22. Out of the 111 pottery workshops found by Lagóstena Barrios and Bernal Casasola in the Province of Cadiz, 63% are located in the Bay of Cadiz and are focused on the production of fish sauce amphoras (Lagóstena Barrios and Bernal Casasola 2004, p. 85). Maps with the location of these settlements can be found in Bernal Casasola (2008, p. 273, Fig. 2; p. 283, Fig. 6; p. 284, Fig. 7).

  23. This Roman dock has been located in the east of Isla de León, see Bernal Casasola et al. (2005, pp. 288–289).

  24. On the navigability of both waterways, see Párodi Álvarez (2001, pp. 155–161). For Chic Garcia, the presence of pottery workshops producing amphoras would confirm that the Guadalete was navigable up to Junta de los Ríos, where the city of Lacca was located (Chic García 2008, p. 331).

  25. Here, we follow the proposal of Bernal Casasola, Sáez Espligares, Saéz Romero, Díaz Rodríguez, Lorenzo Martinez and Toledo Coello (Bernal Casasola et al. 2005), summarised in Bernal Casasola (2008, pp. 280–283).

  26. López Amador and Pérez Fernandez propose, in contrast to the route via the Río Arillo’s marshy environment, that the road turned in Camposoto and passed at the foot of the Mártires hill (López Amador and Perez Fernandez 2013, p. 21). However, they assert that the road’s route through San Fernando is being verified by researchers at the Universidad de Cádiz and the Museo Histórico, citing a publication by Sáez Romero, Montero Fernández (R.), Montero Fernández (A. I.), Sáez Espligares and Díaz Rodríguez, who maintain and demonstrate, on the basis of place names and historical-archaeological indicators, that the Via Augusta passed through the Rio Arillo: Alcantarilla site, crossing an area that is currently flooded (Sáez Romero et al. 2004, pp. 114–115). In this way, they reject the technical difficulty of creating a route through marshy areas, a difficulty that did not exist when the aqueduct was constructed (id. pp. 115–116).

  27. The findings of parts of this aqueduct near the Zuazo bridge, along with modern day references, form sufficient evidence to indicate that the aqueduct passed through this area (Bernal Casasola et al. 2005, pp. 253–254), but not that an aqueduct-bridge existed, as was indicated by these authors, since it was an easily fordable area.

  28. A list of authors that identify Portus Gaditanus as El Puerto de Santa Maria can be found in Ruiz Gil and López Amador (1990, pp. 41–43).

  29. Today, for example, one can cross the Guadalquivir between Sanlúcar de Barrameda and the Doñana National Park using a service of five flat-bottomed boats that transport around 500,000 people a year. Ruiz Gil and López Amador claim, on the other hand, that the road crossed the Guadalete using a bridge, as shown by testimonies from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Ruiz Gil and López Amador 1990, pp. 44–46). In our opinion, however, this bridge is not guaranteed to be of Roman origin. López Amador and Perez Fernández again return to the idea of a Roman bridge with more extensive, but still inconclusive, documentation (López Amador and Pérez Fernández 2013, pp. 59–71).

  30. These are tidal channels in the marshes.

  31. This also happened with other caños or depressions, see Str. 3.2.4.

  32. All in all, Avienus is not the most consistent author in relation to this issue, see Arteaga Matute et al. (1995, pp. 122–123). The Baetis’s double mouth is also mentioned by Plutarch (Sert. 8) and Ptolemy (2.4.4); for authors of the fourth century, see Abad Casal (1975, pp. 45–46).

  33. Here, we summarize the conclusions of the work carried out within the framework of the Geoarchaeological Project Guadalquivir Marshes, which have been published in Arteaga Matute and Roos (1995a, b), Arteaga Matute and Roos (1995a), Arteaga Matute et al. (1995). Schulz et al. (1992, 1995). Rodríguez Ramírez et al. (1996, 1996a, 2016), Ménanteau and Vanney (2011), and Borja Barrera (2018). All these works have abundant literature on the subject.

  34. It should be noted that the Iberia that Strabo describes is that described by his sources, notably Posidonius, who was in Gades studying the tides for an unspecified period during the first century BC.

  35. A littoral arrow is a coastal sedimentary formation consisting of the accumulation of sediments (mainly sand and gravel) as a result of movements by oceanic currents. They are characterized by having one end linked to the coast while the other extends towards the sea, with an orientation parallel to the beach line. Often the littoral arrows are located at the mouth of a river, as in this case.

  36. Rodríguez Ramírez identifies, wrongly in our opinion, both channels as the double mouth of Strabo, stating that La Algaida would have been the island to which he referred (Rodriguez Ramirez et al. 2016, p. 113).

  37. These littoral arrows are the product of the longitudinal accumulation of sediment.

  38. For more on the route between these two mansiones, see Sillières (1990, p. 309).

  39. For more on these findings and a bibliography on these, see González Fernández (2011, p. 225).

  40. The Roman knights who lived there came together to go over to Caesar’s side (Bell. Hisp. 26.2). These would have been Italic knights who had settled there, attracted to the region because of its economic wealth.

  41. It appears as a colony in Mela (3.4) and Pliny the Elder (3.11). For González Fernández, the cognomen Regia links this colony to the Marcii Reges, who were related to the dictator (here, Fernández follows an argument made by Galsterer-Kröll 1972, p. 125). In addition, the assignment of its inhabitants to the Sergia tribe was common in republican foundations (González Fernández 2011, p. 224). Meanwhile, Ferreiro López asserts that there is no conclusive evidence to show at which point it became a colony (Ferreiro Lopez 1982, p. 169). For an interpretation relating to the goddess Juno Regina, see Martín-Arroyo Sánchez (2017).

  42. This lighthouse was built in the years 140–139 bc by consul Q. Servilius Caepio (Mela 3.4), and the modern-day village of Chipiona formed around it.

  43. Str. 3.1.9. It has traditionally been thought that the tower of Caepio was on the rock of Salmedina, a reef located in the sea opposite Chipiona, but according to this text of Strabo, the tower of Caepio would be on the island, that is embraced by the double mouth of Guadalquivir, not in the sea in front of Chipiona. About this new proposal for the location of this tower, see Castillo Pascual and Iguácel de la Cruz (2021, pp. 122–124).

  44. For more on Barra de Sanlúcar, see Ménanteu (2008, pp. 65–71) and Ménanteau and Vanney (2011, p. 17).

  45. We do not agree with Martin-Arroyo Sánchez, who claims that the introduction of the Roman triangular sail and a variation of maneuvers made this feasible (Martín-Arroyo Sánchez 2018, 1p. 64). The fact that the onerariae boats were heavy and large must be borne in mind, since they were not very maneuverable and only navigable by sail.

  46. Ferreiro López says that the estuary of Hasta ended at the current marsh of Tabajete (Ferreiro López 1982, p. 175). Corzo Sánchez and Toscano San Gil raise the possibility of the existence of channels that united the mouths of the Guadalquivir and the Guadalete at the height of Hasta Regia, claiming, erroneously, that the existence of these channels would undoubtedly have meant that a land route was unnecessary (Corzo Sánchez and Toscano San Gil 1992, p. 96). Currently, the existence of the road is well documented.

  47. This type of construction has also been documented regarding the Rhine’s delta in Roman times: see Simard Morin (2011, pp. 485–498). The channels that connected the river Tiber with the port of Claudius in Ostia are another example of this type of construction: see Salomon et al. (2012).

  48. Evidence of its influence is the Lacusta Bronze (189 or 190 bc), which includes a decree by L. Aemilius Paulus that released a population that was subjected to Hasta. On this decree, see García Moreno (1986), Marco Simón (1986), and González Fernández (2009, 2011, pp. 232–235).

  49. In addition, we must mention the testimony of Lebrija native Elio Antonio Nebrija in his Muestra de las Antigüedades de España, published in 1499, in which he insists that the old channels were artificially constructed (apud Martín-Arroyo Sánchez 2018, pp. 173–174).

  50. It has also been suggested to be located in Las Cabezas de San Juan, but the distances of the routes (27 miles, around 40 km) do not support this location, see Sillières (1990, p. 311).

  51. For more on these building structures, see Ruiz Gil: López Amador (2004, pp. 692–693). According to Sillières, the numerous stone blocks found in the environment could be interpreted in this way (Sillières 1990, p. 308).

  52. CIL II, 01,285 = CILA 2–3, 952 = CILA 2–3, 953 = IUtrera 33 = HEp 1990, 651 = HEp 1994, 771 = Rothenhoefer 2016, 177 = Epigraphica (2017, p. 487).

  53. This road passes to the east of Los Palacios y Villafranca. On this issue, see Sillières (1990, p. 307).

  54. From this evidence, Corzo Sanchez and Toscano Gil describe a detailed route of the road (to which we refer): see Corzo Sánchez and Toscano Gil (1992, pp. 98–99).

  55. Corzo Sánchez and Toscano Gil reject this traditional interpretation of the Via Augusta based on the medieval reefs attested in modern plans and the lack of documentary remains of the bridges necessary to cross the Guadaira and Tagarete. These authors therefore propose a route through the town of Torreblanca: see Corzo Sánchez and Toscano Gil (1992, pp. 99–102).

  56. In relation to this issue, see Ordóñez Agulla and González Acuña (2011, pp. 53–54).

  57. Founded in the years 206–205 bc by P. Cornelius Scipio to settle veteran soldiers from Italian cities (App. Ib. 7.38).

  58. The Julio-Claudian dynasty continued economic development around the Guadalquivir, promoted further by the entry into force of a number of legislative measures that aimed to promote transport and commercial activity within the framework of the Annona. For example, Claudius took over the expense of any loss that the merchants might suffer from storms, and offered to those who would build merchant ships large bounties (Suet. Cl. 18–19). From the time of the Flavians, following an increase in state interventionism in supply, the economic dynamism of this river and of these three capitals increased.

  59. A study of archaeological evidence of the port and craft area, with abundant literature, can be found in González Acuña (2011, pp. 409–471). The studies of Beltrán Fortes et al. (2005, pp. 80–82) and Ordóñez Agulla and González Acuña (2011, pp. 58–66) should also be mentioned.

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    Pepa Castillo

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Castillo, P. Roman roads and waterways in the Roman Province Baetica: the relationship Via Augusta–Baetis (Guadalquivir) in the economic conquest via the rivers. Water Hist 15, 81–103 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12685-023-00326-1

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