Abstract
The higher vocational education entrance examination is crucial not only for improving China’s vocational education system but also for promoting economic development. Although China has placed an unprecedented emphasis on reforming the higher vocational education entrance examination in recent years, this reform is still fraught with many challenges. Very few studies have attempted to draw lessons from history for China’s current reform of the higher vocational education entrance examination. This study fills this gap by examining the connections between the imperial examination and China’s vocational education during the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic period to shed light on China’s current reform of higher vocational education entrance examination. The institutional logics theory has provided useful tools for this study. Drawing lessons from the past, this study makes the following suggestions: (1) the need to transform a social environment dominated by academic and official oriented institutional logics into a one that is more influenced by the logics of craftsmanship spirit; (2) the need to readjust the examination content for the higher vocational education entrance examination; and (3) the need to establish a national unified higher vocational education entrance examination system to ensure students’ equity and fairness. This study calls for more research on the imperial examination to shed light on the reform of China’s contemporary higher vocational education entrance examination.
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Introduction
The relatively low social status of vocational education is currently an important topic in global debates, as its objectives and processes are aimed at addressing social, economic and personal concerns (Billett, 2014, p. 1; Relly, 2022, p. 59). Low standing of vocational education may have profound consequences for how government, industry, employers, teachers, parents and students perceive vocational education, as well as ‘what constitutes its purpose, form, governance and administration’ (Billett et al., 2022, p. vii). This issue is widely recognised in both developed and developing countries (UNESCO-UNEVOC, 2018). This concern also exists in China (Hao & Pilz, 2021; Wang, 2022). In recent years, China has placed an unprecedented emphasis on improving the attractiveness and standing of vocational education and has taken a number of measures to achieve this goal (Ministry of Human Resources & Social Security of the People’s Republic of China, 2022; State Council, 2019). One of these notable and significant initiatives is the reform of the higher vocational education entrance examination,Footnote 1 as it is crucial not only for the improvement of Chinese vocational education system but also for the promotion of economic development and national prosperity and strength as well (Feng, 2022, p. 11; Liao & Wang, 2020, pp. 24–25; Zhu & Zhu, 2022, pp. 21–22). Despite the high priority given by the Chinese government, the reform of a higher vocational education entrance examination system in China has been fraught with many difficulties and challenges, including the fact that vocational colleges and universitiesFootnote 2 struggle to recruit qualified students, a nationally united vocational education college entrance examination system has not yet been established, and educational equity is difficult to ensure (Ling, 2022, p. 65; Xu, 2020, p. 98; Zhu & Zhu, 2022, p. 23).
To address these difficulties, various studies have proposed lessons for the reforming of the higher vocational education entrance examination from different perspectives such as experience in reforming National College Entrance Examination (NCEE or gaokao) (Jiang et al., 2016), foreign experience in reforming vocational education entrance examination (He & Wang, 2022; Yan, 2021), local regional experience in reforming vocational education entrance examination (Du & Yang, 2022; S. Wang & Xu, 2022). All of these studies, although based on different perspectives, provide lessons for the reform of China’s higher vocational education entrance examination that exist today. Many historians of education have pointed to the potential role of historical perspectives in understanding and even influencing current educational development (McCulloch, 2011, p. 58). This potential contribution is often described as obvious and unproblematic. Grace (1990, p. 107) argues that “Contemporary policy discussion dismisses history at its peril”. However, to the best of our knowledge, very few studies have attempted to draw lessons from history for China’s current reform of the higher vocational education entrance examination.
During the late Qing and early Republic period, the reform of the imperial examination had a profound impact on China’s vocational education development.Footnote 3 The development of vocational education in any country today is deeply culturally rooted (Berner & Gonon, 2017, pp. 13–14). Gu (2014, p. 107) argues that China’s college entrance examination system today has much to do with the imperial examination in traditional China. Therefore, retracing the development of the imperial examination may be of great value to our understanding of the contemporary reform of the higher vocational education entrance examination. This study attempts to examine the connections between the imperial examination and China’s modern vocational education development during the late Qing and early Republic period by using the institutional logics theory to suggest implications for the reform of China’s current higher vocational education entrance examination, and by doing so, fill the gap of current research in providing historical insights to China’s reform of higher vocational education entrance examination. Based on the research purpose of this study, this paper attempts to answer the following question: what lessons can be drawn for China’s current reform of higher vocational education entrance examination from the impact of the imperial examination on the development of Chinese vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic of China?
Published primary materials, including government documents, journals, newspapers, and diaries, provided important information for this study. When using historical sources, blind acceptance of information without regard for the issue of trustworthiness or limitations embedded in each document is insufficient (Cohen, 2012, p. 27). A critical and thorough analysis of the sources should aid in providing a more coherent, accurate, and comprehensive account of historical research (McDowell, 2002, p. 109). These sources were analysed carefully following four aspects, including authenticity, reliability, representativeness, and meaning (Scott, 1990, p. 6).
The paper will first give a brief introduction to China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period. The section that follows will introduce the institutional logics framework used in this study. This followed a critical analysis of Confucianism, the imperial examination and the impacts of the imperial examination on China’s vocational education development during the late Qing and early Republic period. The last section of this paper will present the implications of the imperial examination for China’s contemporary higher vocational education entrance examination reform.
The struggling development of China’s vocational education during the Late Qing and early republic period
For over a thousand years, the neglect of vocational education in traditional Chinese education had been a feature of China’s history. It was not until the end of the Second Opium War in 1860 that Western technology, science, and vocational education were introduced by the colonial powers. During the Self-strengthening Movement (1861–95), some reformers established a few vocational schools such as Fuzhou Naval School, Tianjin Telegraph College, Hubei Commerce College, and Shanghai Machinery College to train Chinese scientists, engineers, diplomats, and translators. However, the number of early established schools was limited and had several problems in the actual schooling process. For example, the spontaneous establishment of various industrial schools was isolated and scattered, schools were unrelated to one another, the curriculum was arbitrary, and there was a lack of unified regulations on admission qualifications and years of study, and there was no mutually articulated hierarchy nor coordinated and balanced layout (Wu, 2006, p. 36).
China’s defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War by Japan raised calls for a fundamental restructuring of the entire education system (Tang & Chen, 1993, p. 112). China introduced the Japanese model of vocational education three times – in 1902, 1904, and 1913 – as a result of the efforts of reformers. In 1902, the Qing court ordered Zhang Baixi to serve as the minister in charge of education, responsible for the educational reform (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 8). Shortly after Zhang Baixi’s appointment, Zhang Baixi dismissed all the Western school instructors and hired a group of officials and intellectuals to participate in the development of the 1902 school system (Jin, 2000, p. 296). On 15 August 1902, the 1902 decrees were promulgated (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 241). The promulgation of the 1902 school system sketched the initial shape of China’s modern vocational education system. In the 1902 school system, the vocational education system was merely a subsidiary of the general education system and did not have an independent status, nor did it provide for a corresponding curriculum (Qu & Tang, 1991, pp. 264–289). Although there was no separate regulation for vocational education with only a few articles related to vocational education in the regulations of general education in the 1902 decrees, a clear vocational education system had been initially constructed (Xie, 2011, p. 47). However, due to the ideas of reformers were too radical, it met with great resistance from the conservative faction, which was largely comprised of graduates of the imperial examination (W. Wang, 2006, p. 34). The 1902 school system was abolished very soon after its promulgation.
In 1903, the Qing court ordered Zhang Zhidong to work with Zhang Baixi and other members to create a new school system (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 297). Although the Qing court ordered them to work together on the 1904 decrees, Zhang Zhidong was the one who was responsible for its formulation (Zhang, 1998, p. 10,625). During the making process, officials had different views on the issue of the reduction of the number of scholar-officials selected from the imperial examination. However, learning from the lessons of the 1902 school system, Zhang Zhidong understood the importance of considering the views of all parties in the formulation of the 1904 school system and tried to negotiate with all parties to come up with a relatively satisfactory measures for a solution (Y. Zhu, 1987a, pp. 74–77). On 13 January 1904, the 1904 decrees were promulgated by the Qing government (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 297). In the 1904 school system, vocational education formed a parallel and independent system from general education. The primary vocational school is parallel to the higher elementary school and is divided into three types: junior agricultural school, junior commercial school, and junior merchant marine school (Qu & Tang, 1991, pp. 448–450, 497). The middle vocational school is parallel to the middle school and teaches the knowledge and technology of agriculture, industry, commerce, and merchant shipping (Qu & Tang, 1991, pp. 457–463, 497). The higher vocational college is equivalent to a university, including the higher agricultural college, higher industrial college, higher commercial college, and higher merchant marine college (Qu & Tang, 1991, pp. 465–472, 497).
The collapse of the Qing political system was the main impulse for making the 1913 school system (Chen, 1988, p. 163). Under the leadership of Cai Yuanpei, a new school system was enacted in 1913. In the 1913 school system, vocational schools were to be divided into two levels: the lower-level vocational school and the higher-level vocational school. The lower-level vocational school was to train students in basic vocational knowledge and skills, whereas the higher-level vocational school would offer a broader range of courses (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 732). The higher vocational colleges at the end of the Qing Dynasty were converted into specialised colleges.
Transferring the Japanese vocational education model to the Chinese educational environment proved a difficult task. During the late Qing and early Republic period, China’s vocational education had always been accompanied by a series of problems that were caused by various tensions and challenges including: (1) the contradictions between the imperial examination and vocational schools borrowed from Japan, (2) the conflicts between the need for unified management and the imperfection of the national education administration system, (3) the contradictions between the huge demand for funds and insufficient financial support, (4) the conflicts between the high demand for teachers and the lack of teachers, (5) the difficulty in improving student attendance, and (6) the difficulty in developing teaching materials (Yang, 2023, pp. 118–119). Based on the research purpose of this study, this paper will focus only on the connection between the imperial examination and China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period. The next section will introduce the institutional logics theory this study used to analyse the connections between imperial examination and China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period.
Institutional logics theory as theoretical framework
In this study, the institutional logics theory is employed as a theoretical framework for exploring the relationships between the imperial examination system and vocational education in modern China. According to Thornton and colleagues, institutional logics are defined as ‘the socially constructed, historical patterns of material practices, assumptions, values, beliefs, and rules by which individuals produce and reproduce their material subsistence, organise time and space, and provide meaning to their social reality’ (Thornton & Ocasio, 1999, p. 804). Institutional logics, in other words, consists of the symbolic (such as a set of assumptions, values, and beliefs) and the material (such as practice) that convey expectations for social interactions and behaviours, giving social actors references and justifications for their sensemaking, decision-making, and identity choices (Ngo, 2020; Thornton et al., 2012; Wang, 2022).
It is important to mention that the institutional logics theory does not consider individuals and organisations to be detached from their environment and therefore can act freely. Instead, both individuals and organisations are in an institutional context where their behaviours are simultaneously regulated, and they have the opportunity to exercise their agency (Ngo, 2020; Thornton et al., 2012). In other words, social actors’ responses in China’s reform narrative of vocational education are not a coincidence, but rather are the result of interactions between social actors and the institutional context within which they operate. The institutional logic perspective helps explain how these social actors in China’s vocational education justify their responses under the influence of Confucianism and the imperial examination as logic provides references and justifications.
There are seven types of institutional logics, including family, religion, state, market, professions, corporation, and community (Thornton et al., 2012, p. 171). Each of these logics consists of symbolic constructions and material practices that can be used for social actors to refer and justify their feelings and actions (G. Wang, 2022, p. 5). The logic of religion, relevant to this study, ‘attempts to convert all issues into expressions of absolute moral principles accepted voluntarily on faith and grounded in a particular cosmogony (Zheng et al., 2018)’.
Building on institutional logics theory, the imperial examination system could be seen as a material practice of Confucianism, which is a prevailing religion logic embedded in Chinese society and had a profound impact on Chinese education development (Hayhoe & Li, 2012, p. 444; G. Wang, 2022, p. 9). Confucianism “consists of sets of culturally and socially constructed symbols and practices” (G. Wang, 2022, p. 5) that govern the high social status of scholar-officials, the inferior status of craftsmen, and the social discrimination against technical skills in traditional Chinese society and further provides social actors with a set of meanings through which they can define their situations and conduct their activities. The imperial examination, as a material practice of Confucianism, strengthened the influence of Confucianism (G. Wang, 2022, p. 9). By doing so, the imperial examination legitimised the low social status of craftsmen and discrimination against vocational education in modern China. In addition, as a nationally unified examination system, it also ensured equity in the acquisition of social status for vocational education students. The following sections begin with an analysis of Confucianism and the imperial examination. Moreover, the impacts of the imperial examination on China’s vocational education during the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic period will be discussed.
Confucianism: a prevailing religion logic in traditional China
Before introducing the imperial examination, it is important to introduce Confucianism. Confucianism as a dominant philosophy is a significant religion logic influencing Chinese education and society for two thousand years (Wang, 2022, p. 9). There is a consensus amongst scholars that Confucianism had a long-lasting influence on the development of vocational education in China, due to its emphasis on the social status of scholar-officials, low standing of craftsmen and its discrimination against technical skills (Wang, 2022; Woronov, 2016; Xiong, 2011).
In the traditional Confucian view, the social status of those who labour with their minds was higher than those who labour with their strength. Scholar-officials had the highest ranking in the traditional Confucian social hierarchy, ‘four people’ (simin), followed by the farmer (nong), then the craftsmen (gong) and finally the merchant (shang). Sometimes, the artisan class was included with merchants, the lowest class among the four occupational groups (Moll-Murata, 2018, p. 295).
Confucianism’s vision of social hierarchy confirmed the dominance of Confucian learning, ‘which has always been one of the most important issues in Confucianism’ (Wang, 2022, p. 5). The content of learning is Tao (Way), referring to ‘the non-material, metaphysical world’, which is the opposite of Qi (Tool), referring to ‘the materials and the physics’(Wang, 2022, p. 6). The Tao includes the ‘sharable values such as ren (humanity or benevolence), xiao (filial piety) and yi (rightness or appropriateness) as well as symbolic resources such as the ancient classics and rituals (li)’(Tan, 2017, p. 254). For Confucianism, the learning of Tao (moral knowledge) is of the most significant, whereas the learning of Qi or ‘tools’ (practical knowledge) is insignificant (Wang, 2022, p. 6). Therefore, a scholar-official was not required to acquire practical skills as they were merely tools.
The above influence of Confucianism on the high social status of scholar-officials, the low standing of craftsmen and the discrimination against technical skills was reinforced by the imperial examination (Hayhoe & Li, 2012, p. 444).The next section will explain how the imperial examination strengthened the influence of Confucianism.
The imperial examination: a material practice of Confucianism
As a material practice of Confucianism, the imperial examination strengthened the high social status of scholar-officials, the low standing of skilled workers and the discrimination against technical skills, primarily through its structure, reward system and examination content.
Although levels of the imperial examination varied structurally from dynasty to dynasty, examinations were generally held at three levels: district, provincial and national. Preliminary examinations at the entry level were given in succession by the district magistrate to determine the qualification of candidates. It was generally taken at the age of fifteen and held once a year in individual districts (Rainey, 2010, p. 149; Xiong, 2011, p. 54). The candidate who passed the district examination was then entitled to prepare for the prefectural examination, yuankao, sponsored by the provincial government. Only one or two percent of the candidates passed the yuan examination, taking the title of shengyuan, generally called “Cultivated Talent” (xiucai) (Hsü, 1983, p. 72). The shengyuan received allowances from the provincial government and prepared themselves for the second degree, juren. This degree was awarded to those who passed the provincial examination held every three years by officials sent out from the capital (Hsü, 1983, p. 76; Xiong, 2011, p. 54). The juren degree holder could continue to take the metropolitan examination, which was also held every three years in the capital city (Xiong, 2011, p. 54). The metropolitan examination was the highest level of the Imperial Civil Service Examination (Hsü, 1983, p. 54). Successful candidates were awarded to the third and highest degree, jinshi and were assured of high office. Since the examination took years of preparation, most new jinshi degree holders were middle-aged or elderly (Batchelor, 2005, p. 81).
Those who succussed in these examinations had the opportunity to become scholar-officials of the highest social status in the social hierarchy of the Confucian state and enjoyed the corresponding privileges. Candidates who successfully pass the examination, at least at the provincial level, were qualified to be appointed as government officials, which can give the candidate immense authority and social status. District magistrates, for example, had great power to enforce central government orders, implement court policies, and collect taxes. All of these afforded the greatest chance for the rapid wealth accumulation for government officials (Bai, 2019, p. 3).
Candidates who passed only the district-level examination can gain considerable privileges, prestige, and income. They were entitled to special terms of address and special clothing. They also received lighter legal treatment (if they were found guilty of a crime), and official exemption from forced labour service and labour service tax (Chesneaux et al., 1976, p. 21; Smith, 2015, p. 134). Moreover, the family of gentry members could also enjoy relevant benefits such as enjoying wealth, personal connections, educational opportunities, and legal privileges (Smith, 2015, p. 136). Because of these privileges, the majority of students viewed becoming a scholar-official as “the extrinsic motivation” (Hayhoe, 2008, p. 27) for the imperial examination in Confucian education.
Its curriculum remained relatively stable with content dominated by the Confucian classics, typically Five Classics and Four Books during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Its rigidity in content was a noteworthy shortcoming pointed out by many scholars, which likely contributed to its dismissal as an institution that impedes modernisation in this country. Its exam topics were always Confucian classics and nothing else. If an examinee enjoyed science or technology, or if they wished to be creative in their writing, they would be degraded (Feng, 1995, p. 33). Due to the strict requirement of the civil service examination, most people, including the most gifted, would have had little incentive to devote time and energy to master a new skill or technology.
Impacts of the imperial examination on vocational education in Late Qing Dynasty and Early Republic of China
The imperial examination system, as a material practice of Confucianism that highlights the symbolic system of Confucianism, has been ‘accepted voluntarily’ (Friedland & Alford, 1991, p. 249) in Chinese imperial society and had both positive and negative effects on China’s modern vocational education. In terms of the positive impacts, the imperial examination ensured vocational school students an equal opportunity and right to improve their social status as students from Chinese traditional schools. In terms of the negative impacts, the imperial examination placed too much emphasis on the traditional Confucian curriculum and affected the enrolment of students in vocational schools.
Ensuring vocational school students’ equity in the acquisition of social status
Under the influence of Confucianism and the imperial examination, scholar-officials had the highest social status for a long time. Students could only become scholar-officials by passing the imperial examinations. Prior to integration of the imperial examination system with the newly established modern education system in 1905, vocational schools at all levels did not really develop. Candidates had a wait-and-see attitude toward the establishment of vocational education and still expected to gain degrees through the imperial examination (Akigorō, 1976, p. 501). In addition, only students from traditional schools such as Academies (Shuyuan) and Elementary Schools (Sishu) studying the Confucian classics could improve their social status and became scholar-officials through the imperial examinations. The discrimination of the imperial examination against technical knowledge made it difficult for students from vocational schools to achieve their goal of becoming scholar-officials or obtaining degrees and ranks that corresponded to the imperial examination system. This began to change after 1905, when Qing government attempted to integrate the examination system into the newly established modern education system and continued until the founding of the Republic of China in 1912, when the government stopped the way of awarding official positions and abolishing all titles and degrees of the imperial examination (Y. Zhu, 1987a, pp. 117–127, 136). During this period, in accordance with the memorials “Regulations for the School Examination” (Qu & Tang, 1991, pp. 515–521) and “Regulations for Awards in Schools” (Zhu, 1987a, pp. 117–127) in 1904, graduates of modern vocational schools were able to be admitted a corresponding degree and rank of the imperial examination and become scholar-officials of the highest social status in the social hierarchy of the Confucian state. For example, graduates of the higher vocational colleges were able to obtain the title of juren and were qualified to become governor, a prefecture, or a teacher and enjoy the privileges associated with these positions (Qu & Tang, 1991, p. 524). The combination of vocational education and the imperial examination system, leaving aside its negative effects for the moment, could at least guarantee vocational school students an equal opportunity and right to improve their social status as students from Chinese traditional schools.
Hindering enrolment in vocational schools
As passing the imperial examination was the only means of success for individuals prior to the abolition of the imperial examination, vocational schools were small on scale and students were at low levels. If one had a reasonable chance of passing the imperial examination, one would not select another route (Bai, 2019, p. 4). For instance, Yan Fu, a prominent Chinese translator in the late nineteenth century, received a good education as a child and was prepared to take the imperial examinations. However, after the sudden death of his father in 1866, Yan Fu was forced to study in the Fuzhou Naval Dockyard School, the first vocational school in China, as he did not have enough financial support to complete his studies and attend the imperial examination (Wang, 1986, p. 1546). His education did not bring him immediately to success, so to achieve social status and gain respect, he took the examinations four times between 1885 and 1894 (but failed in all of them) (Bai, 2019, p. 4).
Student attendance rates gradually increased after the abolishment of the imperial examination and the reward policy. According to historical data, it reveals that the number of students in vocational schools was 8,693. The number increased to 13,616 in 1908 and 16,649 in 1909. The number of students increased more rapidly in provinces such as Zhili, Shandong, Henan, Zhejiang, Hubei, Hunan, and Zhejiang (Qu et al., 2007, pp. 54–65). This was perhaps largely due to the focus placed on industrial education growth by local leaders in these areas, such as Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai.
It is undeniable that the awarding of degrees and titles to graduates of vocational schools has contributed to the increase in students in vocational schools in the short term. However, compared with the students number in general schools, the number of vocational schools was still quite low. Take the number of students in vocational schools in 1909 as an example, the ratio of the number of students in the primary industrial school to the number of students in the upper primary school is about 1:20; the ratio of the number of students in the middle industrial school to the number of students in the secondary school is about 1:7; the ratio of the number of students in the higher industrial school to the number of students in the higher school is about 1:11.Footnote 4 Moreover, it also has its limitations which greatly affected the quality of the student enrolment in the long term. First, certain students have been able to acquire a degree and title in a quick period since some schools allowed students to drop-in any time to recruit a large number of students (Y. Zhu, 1989, p. 188). Moreover, the quality of student enrolment was also greatly affected by the arbitrary awarding of degrees and titles to students by local officials. Many local officials sought to attract more students to vocational schools by promoting lenient rewards for vocational school students. This problem existed in both vocational schools in Fengtian and Hubei where reward preparatory vocational schools students with degrees and titles (Xuebu guanbao, 1909a, 1910).
After the abolition of the school reward system, the number of students in vocational schools increased dramatically. In 1916, the number of students in vocational schools increased from 16,649 in 1909 to 33,561 (Y. Wang, 2012, p. 51). However, compared with the students’ number of general schools, the number of vocational schools was still quite low. For example, in 1916, the number of students in primary vocational schools was 19,565, while the number of students in higher primary schools was 328,270; the number of students in middle vocational schools was 10,524, while the number of students in general middle schools was 60,924 (Wang, 2012, p. 51).
The reasons for the low student attendance rate during this period could be various, but one of the primary ones was the impact of the Confucian-based imperial examination. The abolition of the school reward system left vocational school students with no opportunity to graduate as scholar-officials. After graduation, they could only find jobs related to skills and technology, which had a low social status. The low value of technical jobs in society and the reluctance of graduates to find unsatisfactory jobs led to the fact that graduation meant unemployment for the majority of them (Huang, 1915, pp. 112–114). This problem was raised by many officials and intellectuals who were concerned about the development of vocational education at that time (Zhu, 1987b, p. 283).
Overemphasis on the traditional curriculum and learning content
Another negative impact of the imperial examination on China’s modern vocational education is the curriculum. In the late Qing Dynasty, there were no uniform requirements for the curriculum and learning material of vocational schools in the educational system. Each school arranged its own curriculum, learning content, and credit hours. Schools were simply required to report to and be approved by the relevant responsible authorities before opening (Xuebu guanbao, 1909b). In general, the Confucian classics still constituted a major part of the content of vocational education (Peng, 2010, p. 210). For example, in Shanghai Girl’s Silkworm school, Confucian tradition courses account for 41.18% and 33.33% of the total curriculum in the first and second year of preparatory studies, respectively. After completing the preparatory stage, the Confucian tradition courses account for 38.89%, 28.13%, and 16.67% of the total courses in the first, second and third academic years, respectively (Qu et al., 2007, pp. 96–100). The emphasis on Confucian classics in the imperial examination led to the devaluing of technology and the challenge for foster high-quality technical workers.
Lessons from the past: implications for the reform of China’s current higher vocational education entrance examination
Over the past few years, the Chinese government has begun to actively reform vocational education in an attempt to establish a complete and unified system of higher vocational education entrance examination at the national level (State Council, 2010; The Ministry of Education, 2013; Xu & Shi, 2014; State Council, 2019). Despite the high priority given by the Chinese government, the establishment of a higher vocational education entrance examination system in China has been fraught with many difficulties and challenges, including the fact that vocational colleges and universities struggle to recruit qualified students, a uniform national vocational education college entrance examination system has not yet been established, and educational equity is difficult to ensure (Ling, 2022, p. 65; Xu, 2020, p. 98; Zhu & Zhu, 2022, p. 23). Although the imperial examination system was abolished a century ago, the selection of talents through examination still exists, and many of the problems that arise in current examinations have striking similarities to the imperial examination (Feng, 1995, pp. 50–51). As with other examination systems, the imperial examination system still has implications for the development and reform of the contemporary higher vocational education entrance examination system. This section suggests lessons that can be learned from the imperial examination for contemporary higher vocational education entrance examination.
First, it is necessary to shift the social environment dominated by academic and official oriented institutional logics into one that is more influenced by the logics of craftsmanship spirit. In modern China, under the influence of Confucianism, craftsman ranked the inferior social status of social hierarchy and students were legitimated and motivated to strive towards becoming scholar-officials, which was deemed the most respectable and worthwhile profession in society. The desire to gain wealth and power encouraged individuals to invest in education with whatever resources they had available. The only purpose of the academic effort was to succeed in the imperial examination (Feng, 1995, p. 34). Such an academic and official oriented logic made it difficult for vocational institutions to recruit high-quality students. Such a problem still exists today. For decades, in order to apply for higher education, all applicants must take the NCEE. Through the NCEE system, top-tier research institutions in China can accept students with the highest exam results, whereas provincial colleges and universities accept those with lower grades (Wang, 2022, p. 4). However, vocational colleges, which are situated at the bottom of the national educational system, can only recruit those who are ‘left-over’ (Wang, 2022, p. 4). Because of this institutional design, vocational education is increasingly marginalised as a result of reinforcing the already deep-rooted misconception that “learning is second to nothing”. While the admission rate of general colleges and universities is increasing each year, the higher vocational institutions at the bottom of the education system are experiencing a crisis of student sources (Ling, 2022, p. 65). Many students who do not get satisfactory scores in the NCEE would rather retake their studies rather than enrol in higher vocational colleges and universities (Ling, 2022, p. 65). According to the data, the enrolment of higher vocational colleges and universities in many provinces in China in 2021 was unsatisfactory. Several provinces, such as Hunan and Jiangsu, need secondary enrolment through enrolment plans. Through the plans, Hunan province enrolled 14, 602 students, and Jiangsu province enrolled 17, 821 students (Ling, 2022, p. 65). In recent years, the Chinese government has promoted ‘craftsmanship spirit’ to raise the status of vocational education and skilled workers (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2022, p. 34). It may signal an institutional change from academic and official oriented to one more influenced by the logics of craftsmanship spirit. ‘Craftsmanship spirit’ refers to the persistent focus, pursuit of excellence and meticulousness that craftsmen put into their work to make it as perfect as possible (Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China, 2021). Mo Zi and Lu Ban, as craftsmen, were two of the few advocates of craftsmanship spirit in ancient China who provided social actors with a set of social norms that emphasised the importance of technical skills and respect for the social status of technical workers (Lu, 2021). The Craftsmanship spirit of Mo Zi and Lu Ban may serve as a reference.
Second, it is important to readjust the examination content for the higher vocational education entrance examination. The imperial examination, as a material practice of Confucianism, legitimised students’ learning content. As the examination contents of the imperial examination were primarily Confucian classics and involved very little technical knowledge, students had little incentive to devote time and energy to master a new skill or technology. For decades, the enrolment of vocational colleges and universities has relied on the NCEE, which is considered as the modern equivalent of the imperial examination. This has, to some extent, strengthened and legitimised China’s traditional Confucian view that technical knowledge and skills are inferior to academic and theoretical knowledge (Li & Shi, 2020, p. 98). As a key element of the education system, the higher vocational education entrance examination plays a significant role in how vocational education colleges and universities foster technical talents and also guide elementary and middle vocational school education. Therefore, it is necessary to reform the content of higher vocational education entrance examination in order to select and foster high-quality technical skill talents and craftsmen.
Third, it is necessary to establish a national unified higher vocational education entrance examination system to ensure students’ equity and fairness. Although the official orientation of the imperial examination system has brought disadvantages to the development of vocational education in modern China, its nationally unified examination content, selection procedure, and reward system have ensured the fairness of the examination. Since 2007, when the Ministry of Education approved eight national model higher vocational colleges and universities in four provinces, including Jiangsu and Zhejiang, to carry out pilot reforms of independent enrolment, seven types of higher vocational education entrance examinations have evolved in China (J. Chen, 2019, p. 98; Li & Shi, 2020, p. 98). In addition to the general college entrance examination (NCEE), provinces such as Shanghai and Shandong have also implemented the spring college entrance examination (Ling, 2022, p. 64). Some autonomous regions and cities including Neimenggu, Chongqing, Jilin, and Hebei opened a separate enrolment channel for higher vocational colleges and universities. Vocational institutions can recruit students before the NCEE (Ling, 2022, p. 64). Zhejiang Province adopts a comprehensive evaluation enrolment way to recruit students. Candidates are admitted through comprehensive quality interviews and evaluations of vocational colleges and universities before the NCEE, combined with the scores of the NCEE (Ling, 2022, p. 64). Jiangsu and Shandong provinces are the first to implement the way of registration for admission, in which students can enter after three steps, including student application, college review, and candidate confirmation. In addition, junior high school graduates can also be trained through the "middle and high school articulation" program for a five-year consistent system. People who meet the basic requirements, including military veterans and migrant workers, can also be admitted to higher vocational colleges and universities without examination (Chen, 2019, p. 98; Li & Shi, 2020, p. 98; Ling, 2022, p. 64). All of these enrolment methods, except for the NCEE, are only locally formed policies. The role of the Ministry of Education is limited to supporting, promoting, and endorsing the policies (Xu, 2020, p. 98). Although different types of vocational education examinations have emerged in China, a united examination system has not been established nationwide, making it difficult to ensure fairness. A fair higher vocational education entrance examination system is important not only for students but also for improving regional economic development imbalances (Feng, 2022, p. 11). To address the current problems of China’s higher vocational education entrance examinations in terms of test content and selection procedures, it is necessary for China to take measures to promote the formation of a united higher vocational education entrance examination system. For example, in terms of examination content, a multi-faceted and coordinated mechanism for the development of the VET college entrance examination content should be established. Specifically, the government, schools, enterprises, and industries should be involved in the process of deciding exam content. Government departments, such as the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, are responsible for managing and supervising the exam content development process. Colleges and universities should assign experts and scholars to form a team to develop the content of the examination. The representatives of industry organisations and other social entities will participate in the preparation of the VET college entrance examination content and give their opinions and suggestions. Through the reasonable division of labour and cooperation among various stakeholders, the preparation of the content of the VET college entrance examination will be carried out in a relatively orderly manner (Zhu & Zhu, 2022, p. 26).
Conclusion
This study, based on the institutional logics theory, examines the connections between the imperial examination and China’s modern vocational education during the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic period to shed light on the current Chinese higher vocational education entrance examination reform. Despite the fact that numerous studies have presented lessons from a variety of perspectives regarding the reform of China’s contemporary higher vocational education entrance examination, very few studies have offered suggestions from a historical perspective. This study presented new findings that fill the research gap by examining the impact of the imperial examination on China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period to suggest lessons for the problems and challenges of China’s current higher vocational education entrance examination. The institutional logics theory has provided useful tools for examining the connections between the imperial examination and China's modern vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period.
In modern China, the imperial examination, as a material practice of Confucianism (a dominant religion logic embedded in Chinese society), strengthened and legitimised the influence of Confucianism on the high social status of scholar-officials, the low standing of craftsmen and the discrimination against technical skills primarily through its structure, reward system and examination content. This, in turn, had a significant impact on China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period. The nationally standardised imperial examinations legitimised vocational students’ pursuit of becoming scholar-officials and ensured their fairness in their social advancement. However, the legitimisation of the pursuit of becoming scholar-officials and the relevant reward system for scholar-officials discouraged the enrolment of students in vocational schools and led to an over-emphasis on traditional Confucian classics and a lack of technical skills.
In recent years, the Chinese government has placed unprecedented emphasis on reforming higher vocational education entrance examination. Despite the high priority given by the Chinese government, the reform of the China's higher vocational education entrance examination has still been fraught with many challenges and difficulties such as the difficulty of recruiting qualified students to vocational colleges and universities, the fact that a nationally united higher vocational education entrance examination system has not yet been established, and the difficulty of ensuring educational equity. The impacts of the imperial examination on the development of China’s vocational education during the late Qing and early Republic period have some implications for solving the problems of China's current reform of the higher vocational education entrance examination. The following suggestions are made in this study: (1) there is a need to transform a social environment dominated by academic and official oriented institutional logics into a one that is more influenced by the logics of craftsmanship spirit; (2) it is necessary to readjust the examination content for the higher vocational education entrance examination; (3) it is important to establish a national unified higher vocational education entrance examination system to ensure students’ equity and fairness.
This study only focuses on the impact of the imperial examination on modern vocational education since the late Qing Dynasty. It is worth mentioning that other aspects such as the evolution of the imperial examination in different dynasties, the impact of the imperial examination on social mobility, the legal system of the imperial examination, and the preventive measures for examination fraud may all have some implications for China’s current reform of higher vocational education entrance examination.
Notes
At present, there is no explicit definition of the higher vocational education entrance examination in either academic or national policy texts. However, based on the existing literature, it can be broadly defined as a selection and admission examination for graduates of secondary vocational education and candidates with its equivalent qualifications to enter higher vocational education colleges and universities in mainland China.
There are primarily three kinds of higher vocational education colleges and universities in mainland China, including vocational technical colleges (gaodeng zhiye jishu xueyuan), vocational and technical teachers colleges (gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao, translated by Barabasch and her colleagues [Barabasch et al., 2009]), and vocational universities (zhiye daxue).
Prior to around 1915, vocational education was mainly conducted by “industrial schools” (shiye xuetang), as the term “industrial education” (shiye jiaoyu) was used in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to refer to the training of technical experts as the heart of vocational education. Around the year 1915, because the term “vocational education” (zhiye jiaoyu) gradually replaced “industrial education”, showing a shift of in focus away from expert training and toward issues of “livelihood”, “industrial schools” were gradually renamed “vocational schools” (zhiye xuexiao). In this paper, vocational education is used consistently.
According to the statistics of the Ministry of Education, in 1909, there were 18,639 students in all kinds of high schools (excluding industrial) and 1,690 students in higher industrial schools; 38,881 students in general secondary schools and 5,340 students in secondary industrial schools; 111,519 students in higher elementary school and 5,581 students in primary industrial schools. See (Lou, 2015, pp. 70–77).
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Yang, Y., Chia, YT. Reflection on China’s higher vocational education entrance examination: lessons from the imperial examination in modern China. Asia Pacific Educ. Rev. (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12564-023-09881-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12564-023-09881-x