And as a nuclear power – as the only nuclear power to have used a nuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. (…) So today, I state clearly and with conviction America’s commitment to seek peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. (President Barack Obama, Hradcany Square, 2009)
Zusammenfassung
Auch wenn sich Barack Obama der Herkulesaufgabe einer „kernwaffenfreien Welt“ in seiner Prager Rede bewusst war, sind die divergierenden Ergebnisse seiner achtjährigen Präsidentschaft im Politikfeld der nuklearen Abrüstungs- und Rüstungskontrolle erklärungsbedürftig. Wie lässt sich diese Varianz in der Ära Barack Obama erklären? Aus Perspektive der liberalen Außenpolitiktheorie argumentieren wir, dass erstens die hohe gesellschaftliche Salienz für nukleare Abrüstung zu einem Ratifikationsdruck auf den Senat führte. Zweitens, dass die Varianz bei der legislativen Umsetzung auf die Dominanz (neo‑)konservativer Vetogruppen im Senat zurückführen ist. Und drittens, dass bündnispolitische Anforderungen und nukleare Präferenzen anderer Atommächte das Verhalten der USA in diesem Politikfeld zusätzlich beeinflussten. Der Beitrag ordnet sich in die Literatur zur amerikanischen Außenpolitik(-theorie) ein, die die Prävalenz des Kongresses als Vetospieler des Präsidenten betont.
Abstract
In his eighth year as U.S. President, Barack Obama has an ambivalent record on one of his most important foreign policy goals: Reaching Global Zero. What conditions can explain this substantial variance in U.S. nuclear arms control and non-proliferation policy? From a liberal perspective of U.S. foreign policy this paper identifies three sources to explain this empirical puzzle: First, the societal salience for ratification of arms control treaties in the era of President Obama; second, the performance of neoconservative vetoplayers in the U.S. Senate and third, the interstate-relations with other nuclear powers and alliances demands.
Notes
Bei 100 Senatoren entspricht das 67 Senatoren.
Die Abrüstungspolitische Zusammenarbeit von Dick Lugar und Barack Obama reicht bis in die Zeit Obamas als Senator (Illinois) zurück, als beide 2006 ein Gesetz einreichten, dass den Präsidenten dazu autorisieren sollte, Programme zur Unterstützung ausländischer Staaten gegen die Nichtverbreitung von Massenvernichtungswaffen aufzusetzen (Holan 2008).
Auch wenn McCain letzten Endes nicht für das New START-Abkommen stimmte, gilt seine Unentschlossenheit als wichtiger Faktor in der Ratifikation des Vertrages.
Für New START stimmten die republikanischen Senatoren Lamar Alexander, Robert F. Bennett (Utah), Scott P. Brown (Massachusetts), Thad Cochran (Mississippi), Bob Corker Jr., Susan Collins und Olympia J. Snowe (beide Maine), Judd Gregg (New Hampshire), Johnny Isakson, Mike Johanns (Nebraska), Richard G. Lugar, Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) und George V. Voinovich.
Der Vertragstext des CTBT kann unter http://www.state.gov/t/avc/trty/16411.htm eingesehen werden.
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Herr, L.D., Müller, M. Auf dem Weg zu einer kernwaffenfreien Welt? Obama und die nukleare Rüstungskontroll- und Abrüstungspolitik der USA. Z Außen Sicherheitspolit 10 (Suppl 2), 127–148 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12399-017-0623-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12399-017-0623-3
Schlüsselwörter
- Bilanz Barack Obama
- Nukleare Rüstungskontrolle
- Global Zero
- Gesellschaftliche Salienz
- Exekutiv-Legislative Beziehungen
- Außenpolitische Ideologien