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Memory Space: A Case Study of a Holocaust Digital Mapping Project of Łomża, Poland

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Abstract

In his book Multidirectional Memory, Michael Rothberg argues that collective memory, specifically as it manifests itself in public urban spaces, is not a “zero sum struggle over scarce resources” but rather “multidirectional: as subject to ongoing negotiation, cross-referencing, and borrowing; as productive and not private.” Rothberg responds to what he terms a “competitive memory” model whereby space and the memories imbued in it are inherently limited. Rothberg disagrees, arguing that physical spaces and material objects can embody multiple memories and reference multiple temporalities. But what happens when we leave the physical world and move to the digital? Do ideas of space and ownership remain the same? Does a place still have a memory on a virtual topography? Can digital space provide a new frontier for more democratic memorialization efforts? This article attempts to answer these questions by reconsidering the nature of urban memory on virtual streets using a case study of a digital Holocaust memorial map I created of Łomża, a city in Eastern Poland. By studying the points of contention that arose when I began collaborating with Łomża public historians and an American Jewish family of a Łomża Holocaust survivor, this article interrogates the limits of digital versus material memory, the effects of temporal versus spatial detachment from historical events and how digital memorials can both relieve and exacerbate tensions in the twenty-first century.

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Notes

  1. It turned out there was physically room for both. A total of 10 years after the publication of Michaels’ essay, a National Museum of African American History and Culture opened on the Mall. The point stands, however, that ultimately the National Mall will run out of space. Planning bodies will be left with a choice: tear down memorials deemed no longer pertinent in illustrating American ideals or erect smaller monuments which by comparison, next to large memorials such as the Holocaust Memorial Museum and African American History Museum, appear less important.

  2. For the English version see: Nathan Drew, The Counterfeit Poles: A Story of Survival under Nazi Occupation (Wise Ink Creative Publishing 2018). For the Polish version see: Nachman Podróżnik, Pozorowana tożsamość. Historia przetrwania pod okupacją nazistowską (Żydowski Instytut Historyczny, 2020).

  3. On this occasion, we found a gravestone graffitied with the words “skin head.” Marcin Mikołajczyk has since kindly cleaned the stone.

  4. Additional markers include swastikas for sites of Nazi occupation, Jewish stars for synagogues, and white flags for marking street name changes.

  5. Only two Stolpersteine exist in Łomża today for Jacob and Rose Katz outside their former home on Długa Street.

  6. The Forum for Dialogue is a program aimed at fostering dialogue on Polish–Jewish relations through creating a diverse community of educators spread throughout Poland. Educators and activists apply to be leaders in the forum, which in turn provides them a community with whom to share their work as well as monetary aid for projects with their local communities.

  7. For a recent study on Łomża and its policy towards immigrants see: J. Szalanska, J. Gac, E. Jastrzebska, J.Z. Polawska, and M. Moralli, “Public policy towards immigrants in Poland’s shrinking cities – the case study of the city of Lomza.” International Migration 61, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 256–272.

  8. For more on the Polish “Holocaust Law” see: Kornelia Kończal, “Mnemonic populism: The Polish Holocaust law and its afterlife,” European Review (2020): 1–13.

  9. Polish President Andrzej Duda’s speech of 29 January 2018 in Żory, Poland: “I chcę bardzo mocno podkreślić: Nie było żadnego udziału – ani Polski jako państwa, którego nie było, ani Polaków pojmowanych jako Naród – w Holokauście.”.

  10. For discussions on allegations of Judeo-communism (Żydokomuna) see: Jan T. Gross, Neighbours: The destruction of the Jewish community in Jedwabne, Poland (Princeton University Press, 2001); Omer Bartov, Anatomy of a genocide: The life and death of a town called Buczacz (Simon & Schuster, 2018); Joanna B. Michlic, “The Soviet Occupation of Poland, 1939–41, and the stereotype of the anti-Polish and pro-Soviet Jew,” Jewish Social Studies, 13, no. 3 (Spring/Summer 2007): 135–176.

  11. The Instytut Pamieci Narodowej is a Polish government-sponsored institute responsible for investigating crimes committed under Nazi and Soviet occupation. See: Paweł Machcewicz and Krzysztof Persak, ed, Wokół Jedwabnego, vol. 1 Studies. Instytut Pamięci Narodowej (2002).

  12. See: Katarzyna Liszka, “Articles 55a and 55b of the IPN act and the dialogue about the Holocaust in Poland,” Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej (2020):81–94.

  13. See: the Polish Journal of Laws of 2016, item 1575.

  14. Sidney Bloom’s English-language testimony from the USC Shoah Foundation Institute’s Visual History Archive.

    can be heard on the Counterfeit Poles website’s timeline.

  15. See also: Ronald J. Grele, “Whose public? Whose history? What is the goal of a public historian?” The Public Historian 3/1 (1981): 40–48.

  16. Forensic Architecture is a research group at Goldsmith University that investigates state crimes using a variety of innovative methods drawing from architectural design and digital modelling.

  17. We attempt to do just this on the “map of faces” section of the Counterfeit Poles website.

  18. Only one other Jew is known by locals to return to Łomża each year.

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Schulman, K. Memory Space: A Case Study of a Holocaust Digital Mapping Project of Łomża, Poland. Cont Jewry (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12397-023-09537-3

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