Abstract
Latin American Jews constitute an increasingly large presence in the United States, posing both new opportunities and challenges for American Jewish communal life. Not only do Latin American Jews represent a significant socio-demographic group, but their incorporation into the American Jewish community increases diversity. At the same time, their inclusion tests conventional boundaries and mutual perceptions of being similar and different. Through a broad assessment of globalization, diasporas, and transnationalism, this article sheds light on diverse models of integration by Latin American Jews into the American milieu while maintaining their socio-cultural distinctiveness. Multiple ways of belonging to American Jewish institutions and organizations imply boundary maintenance and continuity—as Jews, as Latin American Jews, as Latin Americans, as Americans—while mutual influence and the transfer of original models into more or less autonomous spaces allow the display of being Latin American through their Jewishness and their Jewishness via Latin American communal patterns. Education, communal and religious life are paramount fields to explore the mosaic of experiences by Latin American Jews in the United States. Permanence amid a mobile context characterizes the presence of Latin American Jews in US cities. Miami-Dade county in Southern Florida and San Diego in Southern California serve as the focus of analysis, while comparisons are drawn with the Northeast and Middle West.
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Notes
It includes diverse combinations between telecommunications, digital computers, audiovisual media, satellites, transportation technologies, as well as those brought by global corporations and supranational agencies that standardize economic, social, and cultural policy criteria.
Estimates vary between 227,500 based on the core population definition and 303,000 using the enlarged population definition.
According to the Pew Forum (2010) there are 42.8 million migrants, including unauthorized immigrants and people born in the US territories. While the United States has taken in more immigrants than any other country, the share of the US population that is foreign-born (13 %) is about average for Western industrial democracies (Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion and Public Life 2010).
This figure contrasts with smaller migrant populations: 11,283,574 from Asia; 4,817,437 from Europe; and 1,606,914 from Africa. Source: US Census Bureau, 2010 American Community Survey.
It is estimated that a similar amount migrated to Israel (115,000/150,000 core-enlarged definition) and 12,500/20,000 to other places.
In 2007, 229 Mexicans, 180 Brazilians, 141 Argentines, and 121 Colombians obtained their PhD in the United States; in 2003, naturalized individuals or non-residents constituted 19 % of those who had graduated with a PhD or were engineers employed in the United States.
If these crises largely explain the migration of Latin American Jews, serious political turmoil, violence, and economic changes operate selectively. Thus, how migration streams change sheds light on moments of migration transition. Sharp Jewish population decreases since the mid-1980s in Central American countries are evident cases of relatively significant outflows. However, in the case of Guatemala, more than half of its population decided to stay in their homeland. Neighboring Costa Rica increased its Jewish population by two-thirds since 1967, while Panama became a relocation country for small groups of Jews fleeing from other Central American countries. The population of Jews from Venezuela shows both the increase of its population since the 1960s and the remaining of the majority of the Jewish community in the country. Argentina, which experienced sharp political and economic crises, still hosts the largest Jewish population in the continent (cf. Bokser Liwerant et al. 2010).
Latin America and the Caribbean showed the highest levels of relative growth of qualified migrants to OECD countries, while the latter’s migrant qualified population increased 111 %, from 12.3 to 25.9 million.
These flows are mainly associated to the logic of labor markets and fluid migration chains linking sending-receiving cities/countries amid an asymmetrical regionalization that connect peripheral regions of world economy to core regions of capital accumulation and development.
According to NJPS (2001), 35.9 % of Latin American Jews in the United States have an MA degree and above, 26.8 % have a BA, 20.5 % have some college education, and 16.8 % have high school or less. (Data provided to the author by Sergio DellaPergola and Uzi Rebhun). The profile of this group contrasts with lower levels of educational attainment for the majority of the foreign born from Latin America, although there is also a highly qualified stratum among Latin American non-Jewish migrants (cf. US Census Bureau, 2008–2010 American Community Service).
Looked at individually, the numbers in Miami (113,300) and Broward (185,800) are smaller than those of other cities in the country.
Private estimates point to 40,000 Latin American Jews in the state of Florida. According to the US Census, 1,097,524 Hispanic adults lived in Miami as of 2003, and 0.9 % (about 9,000) of Hispanic adults in Miami were Jewish at the time (Sheskin 2004).
Other Latin Americans also have a presence in this city but with far lower percentages (cf. http://www.census.gov/popfinder/).
According to data provided by the Pew Hispanic Center (2009), 48,348,000 Hispanics live in the United States. Of this total, 31,674,000 are Mexican (based on self-described family ancestry or place of birth). From the approximately 11.5 undocumented migrants in the United States, 6.5 million are Mexican, representing 57 % of the total (Lowell et al. 2009).
It points to inequalities and marginality that lie behind the new migratory movements, as well as the avenues by which transnational and trans-local experiences become ways to empowerment (Kennedy and Roudometof 2002).
The majority of Hispanic Jews born in South American countries, including Colombia, Venezuela, and Argentina live in North Dade (10 %), in contrast to Hispanic Jews born in Cuba who are more concentrated in the Beaches (7.1 % compared to 3.9 % in South Dade and 1.5 % in North Dade). In North Dade, other countries of origin include: Poland, Germany, Romania, Canada, Israel and Russia.
In percentage terms, San Diego (32 %) has a larger Hispanic/Latino population than Broward, Chicago (28.9 %), and NYC (28.6 %) while this population is far larger in Los Angeles (48.5 %).
Since the second half of the 20th century when some individuals and their families moved to the Northern border city of Tijuana where a new Jewish community consolidated.
In multi-ethnic societies such as Argentina and Uruguay where immigration changed the profile of the population, minorities faced a de facto tolerance that counterbalanced the primordial, territorial, and religiously homogeneous profile that the State aspired to achieve. In countries such as Mexico, Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia, where immigration did not change the original ethnic profile, the weight of ethnic differences radicalized the aspirations and national narratives of a unified nation (Avni 1998; Eisenstadt 1998).
Latin American citizens were the first ones in the modern West to have failed in their attempt to reconcile social equality with cultural differences, thereby contributing the socio-ethnically fissured nature of public life in the continent (Forment 2003). In turn, many values and institutional arrangements were cultural hybrids.
In Mexico, the Haredi schools, serving 26 % of the student population, show the highest population growth: 55 % in the last eight years. The Ashkenazi schools show the greatest percentage of decrease (28 %) and the Maguen David schools (Aleppo community schools) the highest growth rate, with 46 % of the total student population. Of this group, 40 % attend Haredi schools. Also in Argentina, the highest population growth is registered among the religious schools and in Sao Paulo, five religious schools were founded in the last years while there is a growing incorporation of Orthodox teachers into secular schools (Topel 2005; Vaad Hajinuj 2005).
It is estimated that there were 60,000 students in Jewish day schools in 1962 while by 1982–83 the student population had increased to 104,000 (10 % of the Jewish school-age population), and in 2000, it reached approximately 200,000; that is, nearly one-quarter of all Jewish school-age children attended day school. Recent studies show that today’s total enrollment nationwide is 242,000.
In 1998, the numbers were 20 % non-Orthodox, 26 % Modern Orthodox and 47 % Haredi. The growth in ultra-Orthodox or Haredi school enrollment, including both Hasidic and non-Hasidic schools, reflects high birthrates and contrasts with Modern Orthodox schools, which are essentially holding their own. At the same time, there has been a severe drop (35 %) in Solomon Schechter (Conservative movement) school enrollment. In 1998, the first year AVI CHAI foundation examined student enrollments, the Schechter attendance totaled 17,563 students in 63 schools nationwide. This year, their school enrollment is just 11,338 students in 43 schools (cf. Goldberg 2011).
Interviews with Sergio Jinich and Leslie Fastlich, July 2012, San Diego; Wizo in San Diego is headed by a Mexican woman.
In Miami, a Peruvian Jew was president of the Federation and former community leaders of Venezuela are today active members of it. Interviews with Sabi Behar, David Bassan and Paul Harriton, October, 2011, Miami.
Interview with Janche Galicot, August 2012, San Diego.
One example is Judíos Latinos, based in NYC, which was created by two young Mexican and Uruguayan Jews in an attempt to “renew the Latino Jewish community.” Their main instruments are Facebook and Twitter (Sobel n.d.).
Families as archetypes of an expanded transnational Jewish space: a person who lives in San Diego, is Honorary Consul of Israel in Tijuana and holds intense links with Mexico (Goldstein); or a diplomat representing Ecuador in Europe (Klein), whose family lives in Israel and England, developing intense transnational economic and professional activities; a family of El Salvador (Freund) participating in the American Jewish world in Miami, educated in Israeli universities and actively supporting the local community.
In 2001, Rabbi Felicia Sol (first woman rabbi) joined the congregation. See http://www.seminariorabinico.org.ar/nuevoSite/website/contenido.asp?sys=1&id=50 (last updated November 2010).
During the late 1970s, the emigration to San Diego of Rabbi Aharon Kopikis (born in Argentina and trained in the Conservative movement) had meaningful consequences given that he was a respected representative of the Bet El community in Mexico City who supported and legitimized the “migration era.” His presence became a sign of permanence in a new place where a few Mexican families shared the synagogue services with South Africans and some Americans.
Such rabbis include: Conservative rabbis Mario Rojzman (Beth Torah), Marcelo Bater (Temple Beth Israel) and Hector Epelbaum (Beth David); Orthodox rabbis Shea Rubinstein (The Shul at Barl Harbour) (Chabad), Shloime Halsband (California Club Chabad), Yossi Srugo (Aventura Chabad); Reform rabbi Arturo Kalfus (Beth Am). Sources: Interview with Juan Dierce. October 28th, 2011, Miami, and “Find a Rabbi.” Greater Miami Jewish Federation. http://jewishmiami.org/resources/find_rabbi/.
In Mexico, ethnic origins conditioned the evolutionary process of communal organizations. Its inner composition also shows radical changes. Sephardic communities, which include Sephardic and Syrian Jews from Aleppo (Halab) and Damascus (Shamis), reach today 73 % of the total Jewish population, while the Ashkenazi community constitutes only 27 %, compared to 65 % during the 1960s.
While in Mexico the presence of Chabad is marginal at best, there are more than fifty synagogues, study houses, kollelim and yeshivot, more than thirty of which were established in the last twenty-five years. Fourteen of the twenty four existing kollelim belong to the Syrian halabi community. In Brazil—where liberal Judaism, secularity, and the syncretism of the society had a strong influence—fifteen Orthodox synagogues, three yeshivot, two kollelim, and five religious schools were established in the last fifteen years (Topel 2005).
In the case of Israelis, joining Chabad in Miami, New York, and Los Angeles may be a way of belonging to a more familiar home setting, in part because the Conservative and Reform movements are still small in Israel (Gold and Phillips 1996). In Miami, Chabad also has a Venezuelan “nucleus.”
According to Faith on the Move (figures as of 2010), Christians comprise nearly half—an estimated 106 million, or 49 %—of the world’s international migrants. Muslims make up the second-largest group – almost 60 million, or 27 %. The remaining share is a mix of Hindus (11 million or 5 %), Buddhists (7 million or 3 %), Jews (more than 3.6 million or 2 %), adherents of other faiths (9 million or 4 %) and the religiously unaffiliated (19 million or 9 %) (Pew Forum 2012).
According to a recent study by the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life (2012), Jews are the most mobile if compared to other religious minorities. Even given the limitations of religious allegiance as an exclusive indicator, it is worth considering that about one-quarter of Jews alive today (25 %) have left the country in which they were born and live somewhere else. By contrast, just 5 % of Christians, 4 % of Muslims, and 3 % of the global average have migrated.
In Argentina, Mr. Ellstein is the main sponsor of these initiatives and is also a well-known supporter of Chabad.
Interviews with Paul Harriton, October, 2011, Miami, and Fanny Herman, April, 2012, Chicago.
Of the Jewish adults who consider themselves to be Hispanic, the majority (29 %) come from Cuba; 18 %, from Argentina; 16 %, from Colombia; and 15 %, from Venezuela. Other countries from Latin America and the Caribbean with smaller percentages include Mexico (4 %), Uruguay (2.2 %), Peru (1.4 %), Brazil (1.3 %), Dominican Republic (0.7 %), Guatemala: (0.7 %), Chile (0.5 %), Ecuador (0.3 %), Jamaica (0.3 %), Nicaragua (0.3 %), Panama (0.3 %) and Bolivia (0.2 %) (Sheskin 2004).
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Yael Siman for her invaluable collaboration, research assistance, and thoughtful insights. Anonymous reviewers provided very useful comments and suggestions with respect to this paper.
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This article is related to a global research project that advances a transnational perspective to study Latin American Jewish life in the region and abroad: “Latin American Jews in a Transnational World: Redefining Experiences and Identities in Four Continents” outlined by Judit Bokser Liwerant, Sergio DellaPergola, and Leonardo Senkman (2010).
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Liwerant, J.B. Latin American Jews in the United States: Community and Belonging in Times of Transnationalism. Cont Jewry 33, 121–143 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12397-013-9102-x
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12397-013-9102-x