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Threats, Acceptance, and Ambivalence in Cooperation: the Image of China in Taiwan

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Abstract

This study examines the two contending theories of racial issues or ethnic politics, namely, the “contact” and “group threat” theories, in an attempt to learn how increased exposure to and contact with China affect Taiwanese people’s perceptions of China. More explicitly, faced with China’s rising power and changes in cross-Strait relations, the attitudes and sentiments of the general public in Taiwan could either become friendlier or more hostile to China. This study employs a randomized telephone survey, and statistical analysis of the data has allowed us to identify a clear trend of increased exposure leading to more positive opinions of China, confirming the contact theory. Furthermore, these positive impressions have encouraged the very same people to display a willingness to continue interactions with China. This phenomenon understates the unchanging reality that close economic ties between the two sides have overcome, at least to some degree, the sense of hostility across the Taiwan Strait.

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Notes

  1. Instead of employing specific political parties as the units of analysis, this study divides party identification into supporters of the “pan-Blue” (i.e., the KMT, the People First Party [PFP], and the New Party [NP]), “pan-Green” (i.e., the Democratic Progressive Party [DPP], the Green Party [GP], and the Taiwan Solidarity Union [TSU]), and independents.

  2. The ordered logit model is also known as the proportional odds model because the odds ratio of the event is independent of the choice of category (j). The odds ratio is assumed to be constant for all categories [14, 26].

  3. An examination of the correlation coefficients among the independent variables reveals that the partial coefficients are not highly multicollinear. Due to limitations of space, it is impossible to present the data analysis in detail. Those who are interested in the data may contact the authors who will be pleased to provide such information.

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Correspondence to Chung-li Wu.

Appendix: Survey Questions and Coding of Variables

Appendix: Survey Questions and Coding of Variables

Impression of China

“Is your overall impression of mainland China good or bad?” (4 = very good; 3 = good; 2 = bad; 1 = very bad)

Exposure to China

“In the past five years, how many times have you and your family members travelled to mainland China (not including Hong Kong and Macau) for a family visit, study, work, or investment?” (the continuous variable is divided into three categories: 1 = zero times; 2 = 1–3 times; 3 = 4 or more times)

Willingness to Interact with China

“If you have sons or daughters, are you willing to let them go to the mainland for study or work?” and “If you have sons or daughters, are you willing to let them marry mainlanders?” (4 = very willing; 3 = willing; 2 = unwilling; 1 = very unwilling) (the variable is combined through direct additions of the respondents’ separate answers to the two questions into new values of 2 to 8. We then divide this new additive index into three categories: willing [7 and 8], neutral [5 and 6], and unwilling [2, 3 and 4])

Gender

Respondent’s gender. (1 = male; 2 = female)

Age

Respondent’s age measured in years. (the continuous variable is divided into five categories: 20–29 years, 30–39 years, 40–49 years, 50–59 years, over 60 years)

Ethnicity

Ethnic background of respondent’s father. (1 = mainlander; 2 = Taiwanese Hakka; 3 = Taiwanese Minnan)

Education

Respondent’s level of educational attainment measured on a four-tier scale. (1 = primary school and below [through 6th grade]; 2 = junior high school [grades 7 to 9]; 3 = high or vocational school; 4 = some college and higher)

Party Identification

“Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as close to any particular political party?” Those who classify themselves as independents are asked the following question: “Do you think of yourself as being a little closer to one of the political parties than the others? [If yes] “Which party do you feel closest to?” (1 = pan-Blue [Kuomintang, People First Party, New Party, and leaning toward pan-Blue]; 2 = pan-Green [Democratic Progressive Party, Green Party, Taiwan Solidarity Union, and leaning toward pan-Green]; 3 = independent [vote for candidate rather than party and none of the above])

Taiwanese/Chinese Consciousness

“In our society, some people say they are Taiwanese, some people say they are Chinese, and some people say they are both Taiwanese and Chinese. Do you think you are Taiwanese, Chinese, or both?” (1 = Taiwanese; 2 = Chinese; 3 = both)

Unification/Independence Preference

“Concerning the relationship between Taiwan and mainland China, which of these six positions do you agree with: (1) immediate unification; (2) immediate independence; (3) maintain the status quo, but in the future move toward unification; (4) maintain the status quo, but in the future move toward independence; (5) maintain the status quo, but in the future decide to move toward either unification or independence; and (6) maintain the status quo forever?” (1 = China unification [immediate unification and maintain the status quo, but in the future move toward unification]; 2 = Taiwan independence [immediate independence and maintain the status quo, but in the future move toward independence]; 3 = maintain the status quo [maintain the status quo, but in the future decide to move toward either unification or independence, and maintain the status quo forever])

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Wu, Cl., Su, X. & Tsui, HC. Threats, Acceptance, and Ambivalence in Cooperation: the Image of China in Taiwan. East Asia 31, 305–322 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12140-014-9218-y

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