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Memorializing Jefferson: Imperial Designs and the Battle of the Cherry Blossoms

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Notes

  1. Christopher A. Thomas, The Lincoln Memorial and American Life, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 95–98, 142–3. See also Kirk Savage, Monument Wars: Washington, D.C., the National Mall, and the Transformation of the Memorial Landscape (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 123, 187.

  2. Nathan Glazer in The National Mall: Rethinking Washington's Monumental Core, eds. Nathan Glazer and Cynthia R. Field (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), 1.

  3. Michael J. Lewis, “The Idea of the American Mall,” in The National Mall, eds. Glazer and Field, 11–25, p. 11.

  4. Lewis, “The Idea of the American Mall,” 13.

  5. Controversy about its neoclassicism did not become an issue until 1940—see Steven McLeod Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1994), 405–8—when Joseph Hudnut published his scathing denunciation of it: “The Last of the Romans,” Magazine of Art 34 (April 1941), 169–73.

  6. I use “neoclassicism” and “neoclassical” here and throughout this essay, not in the strictly historical sense of the term as applied to the art of the period 1750–1830, but in the looser and more generic sense in which it is used by David Irwin, Neoclassicism (London: Phaidon, 1997), 389–416, in his chapter on “Crystal Palace to the Present: The Legacy of Neoclassicism.” For a recent study supporting the premise that the traditionally-defined dates of the neoclassical movement “construe[s] artistic reception too narrowly,” see Elizabeth Prettejohn, The Modernity of Ancient Sculpture: Greek Sculpture and Modern Art from Winckelmann to Picasso (London: I. B. Tauris, 2012), 61.

  7. The expression is Lewis’ in “The Idea of the American Mall,” 25.

  8. By Eliel and Eero Saarinen. See Modernism in America 1937–1941: A Catalog and Exhibition of Four Architectural Competitions, ed. James D. Kornwolf (Williamsburg, Va.: Joseph and Margaret Muscarelle Museum of Art, College of William and Mary, 1985), 177–223.

  9. Cain is quoted as saying “'this [1950s and 1960s] was a curious time. It isn’t that modern had taken over or that the traditional had totally relinquished control; the problem was how to resolve the two.' As a result, the building is what Cain describes as “classical in definition, and the detailing is modern:” see “The Museum’s Architecture: Classical with Modern Details,” National Museum of American History (http://blog.americanhistory.si.edu/osaycanyousee/2011/06/the-museums-architecture-classical-with-modern-details.html).

  10. Cf. Frederick Doveton Nichols, Thomas Jefferson's Architectural Drawings (Charlottesville, Va.: Thomas Jefferson Foundation, 1961), 10.

  11. See Sect. II. 2, below.

  12. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 489.

  13. Marquis Childs, “Mr. Pope's Memorial,” Magazine of Art 30 (April, 1937), 200–202, p. 200; Joseph Hudnut, “Twilight of the Gods,” Magazine of Art 30 (August, 1937), 480–84, 522, 524, p. 524; John St. Richards, “Against Jefferson Memorial Plan,” Washington Post, February 23, 1937, p. 8; “Memorial Controversy,” New York Times, April 25, 1937; “No Decent Respect,” Washington Post, April 16, 1937, p. 10; Joseph Hudnut, “A Temple for Thomas Jefferson,” New Republic, March 22, 1939, 190–91, p. 190.

  14. Lewis, “The Idea of the American Mall,” 11.

  15. Richard Immerman, Empire for Liberty: A History of American Imperialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 7.

  16. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 5. See, also, n. 24, below; cf. Anders Stephanson, Manifest Destiny: American Expansion and the Empire of Right (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995), 22ff.

  17. Peter S. Onuf, Jefferson's Empire: The Language of American Nationhood (Charlottesville, Va.: University Press of Virginia, 2000), 55.

  18. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 6.

  19. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 9–10.

  20. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 173. War, Peace and Change was published in 1939.

  21. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 174.

  22. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 175.

  23. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 172. Cf., also, p. 178.

  24. Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 5, sees Jefferson’s revision of the phrase “empire of liberty” to the “empire for liberty” as signalling “a commitment to a more aggressive, proactive extension of that sphere of liberty—and hence a greater American empire.”

  25. Julian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 40 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), abbreviated hereafter as Papers. C. M. Harris sees this as a primarily “republican” image that echoes “Livy’s early Romans, a self-made people” rather than, as I do, an “imperial” one: see C. M. Harris, “Jefferson, the Concept of the Modern Capitol, and Republican Nation-Building” in Establishing Congress: The Removal to Washington, D.C., and the Election of 1800 (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1995), 72–101, p. 94.

  26. Louis B. Wright, “Thomas Jefferson and the Classics,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 87 (July 1943), 223–33, p. 224. For an overview of the place of Classics in eighteenth-century education, see Carl J. Richard, The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994), 12–38, and Ward Briggs, “United States” in A Companion to the Classical Tradition, ed. Craig W. Kallendorf (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 279–94, pp. 280–2.

  27. Meyer Reinhold, “Opponents of Classical Learning in America during the Revolutionary Period” in Classica Americana: The Greek and Roman Heritage in the United States (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1984), 116–41, 50–93, respectively.

  28. Reinhold, “The Quest for Useful Knowledge in Eighteenth-Century America” in Classica Americana, 50–93.

  29. Lorraine Smith Pangle and Thomas L. Pangle, The Learning of Liberty: The Educational Ideas of the American Founders (Lawrence, Kans.: University Press of Kansas, 1993), 153–54.

  30. Reinhold, “The Cult of Antiquity in America” in Classica Americana, 23–49, p. 35.

  31. “Thomas Jefferson's Architectural Models and the United States Capitol,” in Donald R. Kennon, ed., A Republic for the Ages: The United States Capitol and the Political Culture of the Early Republic (Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press, 1999), 316–401; quotations from pp. 401 and 325, respectively.

  32. Mark R. Wenger, “Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia State Capitol,” The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 101 (January, 1993), 77–102, pp. 79–80.

  33. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, ed. Frank Shuffelton (1785; New York: Penguin Books, 1999), 158. The Notes were published first in Paris in 1785 and then in London in 1787—p. xxxiii.

  34. Thomas J. McCormick, Charles-Louis Clérisseau and the Genesis of Neo-Classicism (Cambridge, Mass.: The Architectural History Foundation and MIT).

  35. Calder Loth, “Palladio's Legacy to America” in Palladio and His Legacy: A Transatlantic Journey, ed. Charles Hind and Irena Murray (Venice: Marsilio, 2010), 142–51, p. 145.

  36. Cf. Buford Pickens, “Mr. Jefferson as Revolutionary Architect,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 34 (December, 1975), 257–79, pp. 275–76.

  37. American Buildings and their Architects, 2 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 1:155. One lone defender of Pope's design made this same point in a letter to the Editor of the Washington Post, “Classical Architecture in 1937,” February 28, 1937, p. 8.

  38. On the American statehouse, see Charles T. Goodsell, The American Statehouse: Interpreting Democracy's Temples (Lawrence, Kans.: University Press of Kansas, 2001) and Henry-Russell Hitchcock and William Seale, Temples of Democracy: The State Capitols of the USA (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976).

  39. Richard Guy Wilson, “Thomas Jefferson's Classical Architecture,” in Thomas Jefferson, the Classical World, and Early America, eds. Peter S. Onuf and Nicholas P. Cole (Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press, 2011), 99–123, p. 123. For descriptions of the existing statehouses on which Jefferson “turned his back,” see Hitchcock and Seale, The American Statehouse, 9–14 (Philadelphia, [Independence Hall], 8 (Newport, [Old Colony House]), 7 (Boston), 14–16 (Williamsburg), 17–26 (Annapolis).

  40. Doveton Nichols, Thomas Jefferson's Architectural Drawings, 4. For the use of the image of the temple as a metaphor for the American polity during the Revolutionary period, see Pamela Scott, Temple of Liberty: Building the Capitol for a New Nation (New York: University Press, 1995), 44ff.

  41. Pickens, “Mr. Jefferson as Revolutionary Architect,” 276. See, also, Wenger, “Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia State Capitol,” 99–102.

  42. “Jefferson, the Concept of the Modern Capitol, and Republican Nation-Building,” 73; Wenger, “Thomas Jefferson and the Virginia State Capitol,” 90. See also Hitchcock and Seale, Temples of Democracy, 3–5 and Goodsell, The American Statehouse, 35–36. Whether the republican connotations of the Roman Capitolium were obvious to royal governor Francis Nicholson, who ordered the construction of the 1703 building, and if so, why he suffered them, given his governing style and politics (see Stephen Saunders Webb, “The Strange Career of Francis Nicholson,” The William and Mary Quarterly 23 [October, 1966], 513–48) is not well explained by any of the above.

  43. Also acknowledged in letters to James Madison and Edmund Randolph, September 20, 1785; Papers, 8:535, 537.

  44. Margaret Malamud, Ancient Rome and Modern America (Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 182, n.35. Strangely enough, she cites Brownell, “Thomas Jefferson's Architectural Models and the United States Capitol,” 316–17, in support of this claim. Yet Brownell's thesis in this essay is, in fact, emphatically the opposite—see his statement quoted in Sect. II. 2, below.

  45. Richard Guy Wilson, Thomas Jefferson's Academical Village: The Creation of an Architectural Masterpiece (Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press, 2009), 106 and n. 118. His note on the statement makes the point that Palladio had believed the Pantheon to have been partially built during the Republic, but acknowledges that Jefferson knew the Maison Carrée to have been of imperial vintage. Wilson seems to back away from this view somewhat in his later essay, “Thomas Jefferson's Classical Architecture:” “it has been suggested that Jefferson chose the Maison Carrée as the source for the Virginia State Capitol because he thought it a symbol of Roman republicanism and hence a fitting symbol for the young republic; but this is questionable” (p. 122 and n.36).

  46. Brownell, “Thomas Jefferson's Architectural Models and the United States Capitol,” 340.

  47. Cited by Fiske Kimball, The Capitol of Virginia: A Landmark of American Architecture, ed. Jon Kukla with assistance of Martha C. Vick and Sarah Shields Driggs (1915; Richmond, Va.: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1989).

  48. Cited by Kimball, The Capitol of Virginia, 56.

  49. Gordon S. Wood, Empire of Liberty: A History of the Early Republic, 1789–1815 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 80 and n.93.

  50. The discovery was Fiske Kimball's, dramatically recounted by Hugh Howard, Dr. Kimball and Mr. Jefferson: Rediscovering the Founding Fathers of American Architecture (New York: Bloomsbury, 2006), 82–85. On Jefferson's use of Palladio for this design, see Palladio and His Legacy, 160–1, cat. 57.

  51. On the débacle with L'Enfant, see Howard, Dr. Kimball and Mr. Jefferson, 71–76 and “Editorial Note” on “To George Washington from Pierre L’Enfant, 21 November 1791,” Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/05-09-02-0124).

  52. Scott, Temple of Liberty, 46.

  53. For a good account of the early stages of construction of the Capitol and reconstructions of what it looked like at that time, see William C. Allen, “Set of Broils, Confusion, and Squandered Thousands,” in ed. Donald R. Kennon, The United States Capitol: Designing and Decorating a National Icon, (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2000), 3–22.

  54. Jefferson's correspondence with all these is conveniently collected in Thomas Jefferson and the National Capital, ed. Saul K. Padover (Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office, 1946).

  55. See Jeffrey A. Cohen, “Forms into Architecture: Reform Ideals and the Gauntlets of the Real in Latrobe's Surveyorships at the U.S. Capitol, 1803–1817,” in Kennon, The United States Capitol, 23–55.

  56. Scott, Temple of Liberty, 54–58.

  57. Specifically, a sculpted frieze based on the Panathenatic Procession of the Parthenon's frieze on the drum of the Capitol's dome, and a propylaeum based on that of the Athenian Acropolis as a western entrance to the Capitol. Pamela Scott, “Power, Civic Virtue, Wisdom, Liberty, and the Constitution: Early American Symbols and the United States Capitol” in A Republic for the Ages, ed. Kennon, 402–447, sees this as evidence that Latrobe “strove to interject [into the Capitol] elements resonant of the Greek democratic states” (p. 443).

  58. To Thomas Jefferson from Benjamin Henry Latrobe, May 21, 1807, Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/99-01-02-5608). 

  59. “Forms into Architecture,” p. 45. Carl J. Richard makes a different, but related point concerning the accessibility of American neoclassical architecture (as opposed to that of the classical languages) in the following, nineteenth century: “Greek art and architecture not only symbolized Greek democracy, as well as classical simplicity, rationality, and elegance, but were considered even more democratic than classical literature because they could be appreciated without specialized linguistic knowledge:” see The Golden Age of the Classics in America: Greece, Rome, and the Antebellum United States (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 38.

  60. The dome as actually constructed under Bulfinch differed from his original conception of a Pantheonesque dome—see his only surviving sketch of the dome, Scott, “Charles Bulfinch: Well-Connected, Refined Gentleman Architect” in The United States Capitol, ed. Kennon, 56–84, fig. 8, p. 72—because President James Monroe and Secretary of State John Quincy Adams wished for a higher dome that would be visible from a greater distance (Scott, ibid., 73–75, and Scott., Temple of Liberty, 62). The yet higher dome that tops the Capitol today was designed by Thomas U. Walter and finished in 1863, see Scott, Temple of Liberty, 99–100.

  61. The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Retirement Series, 9 vols., ed. J. Jefferson Looney (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008), 5:239.

  62. For a synopsis of the significance of the dome in the classical tradition and its prototype in the Pantheon, see Michael Silk, Ingo Gildenhard, and Rosemary Barrow, The Classical Tradition: Art, Literature, Thought (Malden, Mass.: Wiley Blackwell, 2014), 253–62.

  63. Founders Online, National Archives (http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/99-01-02-7035). Immerman, Empire for Liberty, 8, points out that the definition of empire Americans inherited from the British at the time of the War of Independence was basically that of the Roman Empire.

  64. The most detailed account of the founding of the Commission, and the ins and outs of the controversy, is to be found in Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 468ff.

  65. See Howard, Dr. Kimball and Mr. Jefferson.

  66. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 472.

  67. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 453.

  68. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 475–78.

  69. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 476.

  70. Fiske Kimball, Thomas Jefferson, Architect: Original Designs in the Collection of Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Junior (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1916), 89.

  71. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 478.

  72. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 479–83.

  73. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 479. See, ibid., figs. 8.15-8.18, 218–19, for proposed designs.

  74. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 481–82.

  75. The designs themselves cost under the requisite $3 million mark, but required another million and a half in landscaping, for which the Commission intended to apply to Congress at a later time (Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 487–88).

  76. “Memorial Controversy,” New York Times, April 25, 1937. Other criticisms of the absence of a competition: “From the New Republic Mail Bag,” New Republic, April 14, 1937, p. 297, Hudnut in a letter to the Editor, Washington Post, April 2, 1938; “Jefferson Memorial: The Last Phase,” New York Times, December 4, 1938; Douglas Haskell, “Hamilton Captures Jefferson?” Nation, December 17, 1938. On Jefferson's implementation of the architectural competition, see Scott, Temple of Liberty, 21–22.

  77. “Tree Feud Revives Jefferson Art Row,” New York Times, November 27, 1938, p. 82. Cf. also Gerald Gross, “All of Tidal Basin Cherry Trees Doomed by Jefferson Memorial Commission Plans,” Washington Post, April 15, 1937, “600 Trees Here Must Give Way to Memorial,” Washington Post, November 11, 1938.

  78. See Peter J. Hatch, “A Rich Spot of Earth:” Thomas Jefferson's Revolutionary Garden at Monticello (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012).

  79. By Democratic congressman Byron N. Scott—Gerald G. Gross, “Memorial Site Termed ‘Folly' on House Floor,” Washington Post, April 14, 1937, p. 1.

  80. The term was used by John J. Boylan, Democratic congressman and Chairman of the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Commission, “Boylan Defends Memorial Site and Architect,” Washington Post, April 22, 1937, p.1.

  81. “Roosevelt Curbs Tree ‘Rebellion’,” New York Times, November 19, 1938, p. 19. Provincial papers such as the Reading Times (Reading, Pa.), Iowa City Press-Citizen, Record-Argus (Greenville, Pa.), Daily Mail (Hagerstown, Md.)—all of these on p. 1—and the Oshkosh Daily Northwestern (Wis.) (on p. 5). Cf., also, “Potomac Park Tempest—‘Woman’s’ Trade Pact,” Washington Post, November 19, 1938, p. 10.

  82. Bacon's Rebellion (1676), Shay's Rebellion (1786–87), Whiskey Rebellion (1794), Fries' Rebellion (1799–1800).

  83. The Hagerstown Daily Mail took it even further, captioning the photograph of the women as the “chain gang.”

  84. Roger Griffin's take on this is rather different. He argues that World War I was, itself, a modernist event, “the beginning of a beginning”—see Modernism and Fascism: The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 153–59.

  85. “Living Jefferson Memorial,” Washington Post, March 2, 1937, p. 10.

  86. Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (1938; New York: Harcourt Brace, 1970), 438; “death of the monument”—p. 439.

  87. Hudnut had been “drafted […] as the primary spokesman” for this campaign by a “group of architects, artists, Democratic congressmen, and the editorial staff of the New Republic, all familiar with his talents for writing and advocacy,” Jill Pearlman Inventing American Modernism: Joseph Hudnut, Walter Gropius, and the Bauhaus Legacy at Harvard (Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press, 2007), 128.

  88. The proceedings of the convention are described in the American Art Annual (1937–38), 44.

  89. American Federation of the Arts (http://www.afaweb.org/about/history_page1.php).

  90. The Magazine of Art (from 1909, “Art and Progress,” from 1916, the “American Magazine of Art,” and from 1937, the “Magazine of Art" until it ceased publication in 1953). Mission so stated in the words of the American Art Annual 8 (1910–11), 99, a publication of the American Federation of Arts.

  91. Magazine of Art 30 (April, 1937), 200–2; Marquis Childs (1903–1990) was the Washington correspondent for the St. Louis Post-Dispatch.

  92. Magazine of Art 30 (June, 1937), 362–65.

  93. Magazine of Art 30 (June 1937), 366–69.

  94. “A Temple for Thomas Jefferson,” New Republic, March 22, 1939, 190–91, p. 190

  95. DeJean, Ancients Against Moderns: Culture Wars and the Making of a Fin de Siècle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 49.

  96. Meyer Reinhold, “Classical Influences and Eighteenth-Century American Political Thought,” in Classica Americana, ed. Reinhold, 94–115, p. 99. See, also, Karl Lehmann, Thomas Jefferson, American Humanist (1947; Charlottesville, Va.: University Press of Virginia, 1985), 178–88.

  97. He would play this up particularly in his essay on Pope's National Gallery of Art, “The Last of the Romans,” Magazine of Art 34 (1941), 169–73, p. 172: “heavy interior partitions […] appear to support arches of such prodigious width and height,” but contain, in fact, merely “hollow pipes and conduits.”

  98. André Oltramare, Les origines de la diatribe romaine (Lausanne: Payot, 1926), theme 35 a-c.

  99. Seneca ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales, trans. Richard M. Gummere, 3 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1917–1925): “[delectant] nos ingentium maculae columnarum, sive ex Aegyptiis harenis sive ex Africae solitudinibus advectae porticum aliquam vel capacem populi cenationem ferunt;” “miramur parietes tenui marmore inductos, cum sciamus quale sit quod absconditur.”

  100. “Living Jefferson Memorial,” Washington Post, March 2, 1937, p. 10.

  101. Resolution of the Illinois chapter of the AIA, January, 1913—see: Thomas, The Lincoln Memorial and American Life, 96 and n.69.

  102. Along, that is, with the temple of Zeus at Olympia. See Thomas, The Lincoln Memorial and American Life, 70–71.

  103. For some insights on American views of the Pantheon during the intervening nineteenth century, see William L. Vance, America's Rome, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press), 1:155–81.

  104. “Twilight of the Gods,” 481.

  105. Magazine of Art 30 (April, 1937), p. 254.

  106. “Mr. Pope's Memorial,” p. 201.

  107. See John E. Crowley, “Classical, Anti-Classical, and Millenial Conceptions of Change in Revolutionary America” in Classical Traditions in Early America, ed. John W. Eadie (Ann Arbor: Center for Coordination of Ancient and Modern Studies, University of Michigan, 1976), 213–53, especially pp. 225–6: “In 1775 David Rittenhouse, speaking to the American Philosophical Society, saw luxury and tyranny proceeding from east to west as a ‘torrent irresistable’ and wished that America could be cut off from Europe.”

  108. “Twilight of the Gods,” 481.

  109. See, above, n.90.

  110. See, above, n.77.

  111. Magazine of Art 30 (April, 1937), 254.

  112. See, above, n.65.

  113. “Living Jefferson Memorial,” Washington Post, March 2, 1937, p. 10.

  114. Although as Roger Griffin points out, “the Third Reich's official promotion of neo-classicism after 1935 […] can be seen as anything but a flight from modernity,” Modernism and Fascism, 291. The text reads in full: “In particular, the Third Reich's official promotion of neo-classicism after 1935 as one of the acceptable aesthetics in which painters and sculptors can be seen as anything but a flight from modernity,” corrected by Griffin (email communication with author 9/21/14) to “In particular, the Third Reich's official promotion of neo-classicism after 1935 as one of the acceptable aesthetics in which painters and sculptors working within this idiom can be seen as anything but a flight from modernity.” On Mussolini, see Tim Benton, “Rome Reclaims its Empire” in Art and Power: Europe under the Dictators 1930–45, comp. Dawn Ades, Tim Benton, David Elliott, Ian Boyd Whyte (London: Thames and Hudson, 1995), 120–29, pp. 123–24.

  115. See Griffin, Modernism and Fascism, 293–94.

  116. William Lescaze (1896–1969) had emigrated from Switzerland, Milton Horn (1906–95) from Russia.

  117. Jill Pearlman, Inventing American Modernism, 66–70, 81–83, 86–90.

  118. See Pearlman, Inventing American Modernism, 156 ff.

  119. For a recent and excellent summation, see Katie Fleming, “Fascism,” in A Companion to the Classical Tradition, ed. Kallendorf, 342–54.

  120. Elizabeth Mock, “The Paris Exposition,” Magazine of Art 30 (May, 1937), 267–73, p. 269

  121. Ihor Junyk, “The Face of the Nation: State Fetishism and Métissage at the Exposition Nationale, Paris 1937,” Grey Room 23 (Spring 2006), 96–120, p. 98.

  122. Mock, “The Paris Exposition,” 269. Junyk, “The Face of the Nation: State Fetishism and Métissage at the Exposition Nationale, Paris 1937,” 105. On the neoclassicism of the German pavilion, see Karen Fiss, Grand Illusion: The Third Reich, the Paris Exposition, and the Cultural Seduction of France (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 62–65 and “The German Pavilion” in Art and Power, comp. Ades et al., 108–110.

  123. Fiss, Grand Illusion, 64–65 and “The German Pavilion,” 108.

  124. As cited by Andrea Giardina, “The Fascist Myth of Romanity,” Estudos Avançados 22.62 (2008) 55–76, p. 64.

  125. See Ann Thomas Wilkins, “Augustus, Mussolini, and the Parallel Imagery of Empire,” in Donatello Among the Blackshirts, ed. Claudia Lazzaro and Roger J. Crum (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005), 53–65, Borden Painter, Mussolini's Rome: Rebuilding the Eternal City (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 71–77, and Tim Benton, “Rome Reclaims its Empire” in Art and Power, comp. Ades et al., 120–29, pp. 121–22. Cf., also, “A Flexible Rome: Fascism and the Cult of Romanità” in Roman Presences: Receptions of Rome in European Culture, 1789–1945, ed. Catharine Edwards (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 205–20, p. 215, and Simonetta Fraquelli, “All Roads Lead to Rome” in Art and Power, 130–36, p. 130.

  126. Paul Baxa, Roads and Ruins: The Symbolic Landscape of Fascist Rome (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 153–54.

  127. Alex Scobie, Hitler's State Architecture: The Impact of Classical Antiquity (University Park, Pa.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), 20.

  128. See Joshua Arthurs, Excavating Modernity: The Roman Past in Fascist Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2012); Baxa, Roads and Ruins; Painter, Mussolini's Rome; Silk, Gldenhard, and Barrow, The Classical Tradition, 316–17; Benton, “Rome Reclaims its Empire.”

  129. Flavia Marcello, “The Idea of Rome in Fascist Art and Architecture: The Decorative Program of the Palazzo dei Congressi in EUR, Rome,” Interspaces: Art + Architectural Exchanges from East to West, Melbourne, Victoria, 2010, 1–27, p. 4.

  130. Scobie, Hitler's State Architecture, 116–18.

  131. See Scobie, Hitler's State Architecture, 112 and Wolfgang Schäche, “From Berlin to ‘Germania:' Architecture and Urban Planning,” trans. David Britt, in Ades et al., Art and Power, 326–29.

  132. “In Defense of the Jefferson Memorial,” 365.

  133. Quoted by Thomas S. Hines citing Charles Moore, “The Imperial Mall: The City Beautiful Movement and the Washington Plan of 1901–1902” in The Mall in Washington, ed. Longstreth, 79–99, p. 88 and n. 20. Cf., also, p. 94.

  134. Margaret Malamud, “The Pleasures of Empire” in Ancient Rome and Modern America, 150–85, and “Translatio Imperii: America as the New Rome c. 1900” in Classics and Imperialism in the British Empire, ed. Mark Bradley (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 249–83; Stephen Dyson, “Rome in America” in “Images of Rome: Perceptions of Ancient Rome in Europe and the United States in the Modern Age,” ed. Richard Hingley, supplement, Journal of Roman Archaeology 44 (2001), 57–69, p. 65.

  135. Cited by Hines, “The Imperial Mall,” 97.

  136. Cited by Hines, “The Imperial Mall,” 99, n. 34.

  137. Cf. Alfred Rosenberg’s description of the fascist state as “the style of a column on the march, no matter what its destination, no matter what its purpose,” cited by Eric Michaud, “National Socialist Architecture as an Acceleration of Time,” trans. Christopher Fox Critical Inquiry 19 (Winter, 1993) 220–33, p. 227.

  138. Giardina, “The Fascist Myth of Romanity,” 65.

  139. Bedford, “The Architectural Career of John Russell Pope,” 505, describes the monument that was eventually erected by Pope's partners, Eggers and Higgins, as “a weak shadow of the normally forceful and austere monumentality that was Pope's trademark.”

  140. “50 Police to Guard Roosevelt Today at Cherry Trees,” Washington Post, December 15, 1938, p. 1.

  141. “Roosevelt Assails Dictator Rule, Hailing Way of ‘Average Opinion,’” New York Times, November 16, 1939, p. 1.

  142. James B. Reston, “New Washington Vista,” New York Times, October 19, 1941, p. SM 23.

  143. As reported in the New York Times, “Address by Roosevelt,” April 14, 1943, p. 16.

  144. Merrill Peterson, The Jefferson Image in the American Mind (1960; Charlottesville, Va.: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, 1998), 443.

  145. Nicolaus Mills, Their Last Battle: The Fight for the National World War II Memorial (New York: Basic Books, 2004), 175.

  146. According to the most recent National Park Service statistics available, the Jefferson Memorial received 2,708,607 visitors in 2014, the World War II Memorial, 4,230,793 visitors, the Lincoln Memorial, 7,139,072 visitors, National Park Service (https://irma.nps.gov/Stats/Reports/Park).

  147. Joan DeJean, Ancients Against Moderns, 14, sees this quarrel as a “recurrent phenomenon.”

  148. DeJean, Ancients Against Moderns, 43, 49.

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  1. Department of Classics & General Humanities, Montclair State University, Montclair, NJ, 07043, USA

    Victoria S. Tietze Larson

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Correspondence to Victoria S. Tietze Larson.

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Larson, V.S.T. Memorializing Jefferson: Imperial Designs and the Battle of the Cherry Blossoms. Int class trad 22, 304–340 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12138-015-0370-6

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