Migration studies have developed rapidly over the past decades; however, most research continues to focus on marginal, exploited, and excluded groups (Kerr, 2017; Zhan & Zhou, 2020). There continues to be a dearth of research on how migrants experience success and what post-migration practices they employ to achieve success during and after their physical migration.

One of the dominant theories in migration studies and policies is integration theory (Kyeremeh et al., 2019), which conceptualizes the experience of migration as a one-way process in which immigrants are responsible for their integration (Kuuire et al., 2016; Wong & Tézli, 2013). More recently, however, the term has undergone some refinements and is understood as a two-way process that demands effort on the part of the immigrants while the receiving society provides them with needed societal and institutional support (Alba & Foner, 2015; Frideres, 2008; Kuuire et al., 2016). In addition, in recent studies the term “integration” is more often replaced by the term “incorporation” (Gorodzeisky & Semyonov, 2017; McKowen & Borneman, 2020), although the point of reference for both remains the native population with success is defined acquiring the average social and economic characteristics of the native population. For instance, in the labor market—a main measure of migrant integration—successful economic incorporation occurs when migrants reach the same level of earnings in prestigious occupations as natives who possess identical characteristics (Borjas, 2015; Kogan, 2011; Lewin‐Epstein et al., 2003; Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2020; Lueck, 2018; Massey et al., 2002).

While traditional integration theory casts assimilation as a one-way path for immigrants to conform to the host society, segmented assimilation theory acknowledges the dynamic interplay of cultural heritage and host culture, where selective acculturation and strong ethnic enclaves can become bridges to successful integration. Segmented assimilation theory, as proposed by Portes and Zhou (1993) and Portes and Rumbaut (2001, 2024), challenges the traditional assimilation theory by asserting that the process of integration for newcomers is not as simple or inevitable as previously thought (Behtoui, 2013), but instead involves maintaining a strong ethnic and/or religious identity which may help immigrant youths avoid alienation and integrate successfully (Friberg & Sterri, 2021). Additionally, Portes highlighted the importance of ethnic enclaves for new immigrants, as they offer opportunities for employment and serve as a stepping stone for intergenerational mobility (Zhou & Kim., 2006).

Most research to date has focused on comparing migrants to the native population, while research on migrant success is lacking. In the present global context of relentless movement across borders and growing diversity within societies, integration is a problematic concept for many reasons. It presumes that nations are socially and culturally homogenous and it reifies culture (Schinkel, 2018; Scholten, 2020). Further, traditional approaches focus on the characteristics of migrants and their needs and skills, thereby underestimating the significance of relationships and interdependence in integration processes. By focusing on migrants’ adaptation, the dominant model of integration enforces neo-colonial knowledge production (Schinkel, 2018) based on implementing “normative assumptions concerning who the citizen should be–or rather should become–in order to be included in and part of society” (Fejes, 2019). Moreover, the discourse on integration is rooted in linear assumptions and metaphors. Unlike natives, newcomers are expected to meet neo-liberal goals emphasizing the division between “them” and “us” and to adapt to the norms of the host society (Berry, 2006; Formenti & Luraschi, 2020; Scholten, 2020).

In light of the shortcomings of the integration/incorporation and assimilation approaches, this study moves beyond transnationalism theory (Lubbers et al., 2020; Moret, 2018) by viewing integration or assimilation as specific outcomes of migrant agency that are also dynamic, multidimensional processes bringing together an interplay of individual characteristics and structural forces such as gender, class, and ethnicity (Triandafyllidou, 2018). Our main starting point is, therefore, the “integration-agency” nexus which implicates the processual and interactive nature of migrant agency in its work toward achieving labor market integration.

The transnational perspective emphasizes that migrant practices and the migration process itself are dynamic, active, hybrid and non-linear. Physical relocation might be a one-time event defined by borders, but cultural and social transformation encompasses interconnected, transnational cultural and social spaces that are shaped by different cultures, meanings, and people (Bradatan et al., 2010; Brannen et al., 2016; Kyeremeh et al., 2019; Levitt, 2009; Remennick, 2002, 2012; Talmi-Cohn, 2018, 2022).

These theories shape immigrants’ perceptions of success both in theory and in practice. For example, in comparative and quantitative research, migrant success has been measured by such quantifiable criteria as socioeconomic status, lifestyle, and positions of authority, compared to native populations (Amit & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2018; Kushnirovich & Youngmann, 2017; Lissitsa & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2019; Semyonov et al., 2016; Shen & Kogan, 2020). However, we understand that these objective measures of success have their limitations, especially for examining how migrants themselves define and evaluate their migration, including their own subjective comparative criteria. This emic perspective aligns with qualitative research in which migrant success is understood as a subjective category, albeit one that is strongly related to objective facts shaping the biographical experiences and journeys of migrants.

This paper draws on a qualitative approach with attention to subjective experiences, with the emic understanding of migrant success at its center. It seeks to reveal and understand the post-migration practices of one group of migrant men—those who have achieved labor force success in the public sector. In doing so, we aim to demonstrate how transformations of migrant masculinity are expressed in post-migration practices of success and to illuminate the kinds of discourse regarding men’s migrant career success that emerges at the intersections of migration, ethnic culture, and perceptions of masculinity.

Theoretical Framework

Cultural Capital of Migration and Success

Classic migration studies have paid close attention to ethnic culture and the impact of differences between cultural perceptions in the countries of origin and destination. For example, the integration approach discussed above emphasizes the adoption of local patterns of culture in the destination country whereas the transnational approach enables us to challenge the binary treatment of ethnic culture and expands its purview to dynamics and emerging practices, inviting the construction of hybrid cultures based on the understanding that the migration process structures and shapes a culture of migration (Brady & Stevens, 2019; Sirkeci & Cohen, 2016).

Migrant scholarship has employed Bourdieu’s concept of capital (Bourdieu, 1984, 2011), with migrant cultural capital encompassing a diverse range of resources and assets that individuals bring with them from their cultures of origin and that accumulate through the process of migration and settlement. These include language skills, knowledge of customs and traditions, and social networks that are possessed by all migrants and facilitate their integration into the host society. Despite the theoretical utility of the concept of capital, research has mainly focused on the transfer of culture from the country of origin to the destination country (e.g., Bhachu, 2017; Bhugra et al., 2021; Erel, 2010; Erel & Ryan, 2019; Lerner et al., 2007; Prashizky & Remennick, 2015; Resnik, 2018).

In contrast, cultural capital is not static; rather, it is shaped by the process of migration itself, creating new modes of validation that emerge from experience and are alternatives to national capital. Migration may also create opportunities for those who are able to navigate in transnational social fields (e.g., Bhachu, 2017; Gu & Lee, 2020; Moret, 2020; Chachashvili-Bolotin et al. 2021). The interaction of ethnic culture (in both the country of origin and destination) generates a “cultural capital of migration,” which migrants employ to accrue the cultural capital they use for their absorption. Thus, differentiating between “nation-specific cultural capital,” which is valued only where it was acquired, and “transnational cultural capital,” which is of value internationally, we can assume that migrants will be able to mobilize both their transnational and nation-specific cultural capital in their efforts to improve their integration at the labor market. As Moret (2018) argues, cultural capital is transnationalized through cross-border mobility practices; therefore, it needs to be examined at the transnational level as well as at the level of the nation-state.

Men, Masculinities, and Success in the Migration Process

For a long time, men’s mobility was perceived in migration scholarship as quasi- “natural” (Kofman et al., 2000). Although the intersection of gender and mobility is not a new field of study, it has tended to focus on the disadvantages, challenges, and success of migrant women (Anthias & Lazaridis, 2020; Fanta-Vagenshtein & Anteby-Yemini, 2016; Gorina et al., 2018; Raijman et al., 2003; Raijman & Semyonov, 1997; Shabtay & Kacen, 2005; Walsh & Yonas, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz & Wasserman, 2020). Migrant masculinities, on the other hand, have until recently remained largely unaddressed in the literature (Friedman, 2017; Griffiths, 2015; Hirsch & Kachtan, 2018; Wojnicka, 2020; Żadkowska et al., 2020). That is, the practices of men migrants are paradoxically both overresearched, in the sense that they are the universalized default for normative migrants, and underresearched, in the sense that the singularity of men’s migrant experience is overlooked (Charsley & Wray, 2015).

Given this legacy of a hegemonic masculine perspective (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Connell, 1995), there is an urgent need to re-examine the concepts of masculinity in general and to understand migrant masculinity in particular (Wojnicka, 2020). The very identification of a concept of “migrant masculinity” provides an important lens through which to study migrant masculinity across different social fields, within circles of peers and their society of origin (transnational negotiations), as well as vis-à-vis other migrants.

The Intersection of Racism, Success, and Labor Market

Given the fact that our study focuses on a racial minority in Israel (Abu et al., 2016), the intersection of racism, masculinity, and success in the labor market presents a complex and multifaceted research landscape. While much of the existing literature has focused on the multiple detrimental impacts of racism (Williams et al., 2021; Deitch et al., 2003), a nuanced approach necessitates acknowledging and exploring potential opportunities for success within this complex system. Racism’s manifestations within the labor market include systemic and institutional biases that contribute to the overrepresentation of racialized groups in low-wage and precarious jobs (Mahabir et al., 2021). A solely negative framing risks overlooking the resilience and agency of racialized individuals navigating these challenges within the labor market. Examining how diverse masculinities intersect with experiences of racism can further elucidate these pathways toward success. Studies by Harrell (2000) and Mizrachi and Zawdu (2012) emphasize the significance of flexible coping mechanisms in managing racism-related stress, highlighting the potential for individual resilience to contribute to positive outcomes. Similarly, Levant et al. (2007) and Schwing et al. (2013) explored the role of gendered racism stress inventories, suggesting that understanding the specificities of how racism intersects with masculinity can inform interventions to promote well-being.

The Israeli Context

Israel is an immigrant society where the majority populationFootnote 1 is Jewish, about 35% of whom are immigrants from around the world (Amit & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2007, 2018) and automatically eligible for citizenship. The country also receives non-Jewish migrant workers and asylum seekers, who, with few exceptions, are not entitled to citizenship. This paper focuses on immigrants who arrived in Israel from Ethiopia during 1980–2010 and automatically became citizens under Israeli law. Research literature suggests that the desire to obtain citizenship drives migrants to excel in various fields (Erel & Ryan, 2019). However, the pursuit of citizenship as a key factor in achieving success is neutralized in the case of Ethiopian immigrants in Israel since citizenship is granted automatically.

Among the 159,500 Ethiopian Israelis, representing 1.7% of the total population in 2020, with 55% were born in Ethiopia. Employment rates for Israelis of Ethiopian origin in 2019 (78%) were similar to rates for the general population (MWSA, 2019); however, there are clear difference between Israelis of Ethiopian origin and the overall population in terms of professions. Fewer Israelis of Ethiopian origin are employed in highly skilled academic professions (7% compared to 31% among Israeli, non-Haredi JewsFootnote 2) and in senior positions in governmental organizations, public corporations, and local authorities (Eliyahu, 2020)—positions that not only require advanced skills but that also convey a sense of belonging, with clear employment and promotion conditions (CBS, 2019). The portion of Israelis of Ethiopian origins in academic positions is slightly higher, but still very low at 41 out of 4318 (Chachashvili-Bolotin et.al, 2023; Eliyahu, 2020; Prager, 2020).

Further, their average monthly income is just 54% that of non-Haredi Jewish men (CBS, 2020). Although men in both population groups earn more than women, the gender pay gap is smaller among Israelis of Ethiopian origin, reflecting the fact that their incomes are lower even than that of Israeli women overall (70% vs. 63% of men’s salary, respectively) (Amit & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2018; Fox & Friedman Wilson, 2017).

Methods

This study relies on analysis of 90–120-min, semi-structured interviews conducted between 2019 and 2020 with 27 Ethiopian Israeli migrant men who held senior positions in the public sector and six semi-structured interviews with experts or professionals.

Sample Population

All those interviewed were between 35 and 45 years old and were first- or second-generation immigrants from Ethiopia, with university educations and incomes higher than the national average for Israeli Jews. All worked in various branches of the public sector (including law, education, security, and welfare). Except for two, none worked directly with immigrants or were involved in immigration specifically; however, even these two did not deal with issues unique to Israelis of Ethiopian descent. The interviews were conducted via Zoom or in-person by the PIs and by research assistants who received specific training and were supervised throughout the process. Table 1 summarizes the participants’ characteristics. To protect confidentiality, anonymous abbreviations were used.

Table 1 Study participants
Full size table

The semi-structured interviews (Creswell, 2007) followed an interview guidebook and reflected the transnational perspective in seeking to learn how migrants define, evaluate, and speak about their own success. In addition to asking about their different life spaces, we asked how they would describe their societal relationships and how such relationships personally affected them. Additional questions elicited their thoughts on any differences in interaction based on gender or personality, their definition of success, and their assessment of any similarities or differences between the success of men and women. Finally, interviewees were asked to identify specific moments in their life histories that they recognized as having been crucial to their success.

The interviewees were identified using workplace rosters, through previous fieldwork, and then via a “snowballing” process (Patton, 2014) conducted by research assistants, two from within the community and one external who worked in the public sector, ensuring geographical variation and diverse viewpoints. Although snowballing may produce a sample that is skewed by individuals identifying others from their social networks, in our case, it provided crucial access to successful migrant men working in the public sector.

In addition, we also conducted six semi-structured interviews with experts or professionals who specialize in immigrant employment in order to analyze and understand institutional perceptions of migrant men’s success. These interviews focused on how success is defined and expressed among migrants, differences between personal and official perceptions of migrant success, and practices employed by immigrants to experience or achieve success. The study integrates the data from these six interviews into the overall findings, rather than maintain them as a separate category.

Data Analysis

Transcribed audio records of all interviews (which were shared with interviewees) were processed using thematic analysis to identify, classify, and find patterns in men’s descriptions of post-migration practices of success (Braun & Clarke, 2006; Watzlawik & Born, 2007). Grounded in field practices developed over many years, our methodology involved sifting, charting, and sorting material by key themes and enabling new issues and theoretical framings to surface (Glaser & Strauss, 2017). This open-ended yet systematic approach enabled us to reach beyond induction and an iterative process of data collection to reconsider our theoretical framework and to position migrant cultural capital and masculinity as a dynamic concept as our main framework for analysis. To address possible researcher bias, we consulted our research assistants and some of the interviewees to ensure that our interpretations accurately captured their understanding and that we avoided any cultural gaps between us and the interviewees.

Interview analysis showed that most interviewees described labor market success and masculinity as a process; thus, we specifically looked for patterns related to the ways their experiences might reflect the process of construction of men’s success in the labor market. This analytic process resulted in a classification of their responses in four categories: masculinity and alienation, suspicion and uniqueness, dealing with racist perceptions, and engaging in dialogue with the community—each of which are addressed in the “Discussion” section. The six expert interviews revealed an institutional view of the struggles and success of immigrant men in the labor market, with some mentioning gender differences.

Results

The results are grouped into four thematic categories that arose throughout the interviews as participants described their experiences living in Israel and, eventually, achieving career success in the public sector. In addition to focusing on their labor market experiences, they also described personal views about success. For example, as D. described, “It doesn’t matter if you are a cleaning worker or an engineer, what is important is how you feel about what you do, that is, what does it mean if you succeeded.” The four categories below draw on quotes from the interviewees to describe their experiences and challenges at the intersections of migration, ethnic culture, and perceptions of masculinity in the labor market.

Conceptions of Masculinity and Alienation

Previous work has shown that conceptions of masculinity and the roles of men in both the Ethiopian and Israeli labor markets include common postulates: that a man should be the primary household bread winner, that he should be successful, and that he should advance in the employment market (Talmi-Cohn, 2020). In this study, however, our interviews revealed conceptions of masculinity and men’s roles that were restructured as part of the immigration process, leading to a distinct idea of masculinity that melds status as immigrants with conceptions of skin color. In their reflections, it is as if the interviewees describe the immigration process as having created a new category—that of “the Ethiopian immigrant man.” In contrast to the common postulates, the immigrant Ethiopian man is often expected to be no more than “adequate” and not to become a burden to those around him. As D., an expert in the field, explained: “The process of [immigration] upgraded [the status of] women along many parameters and weakened [that of] the men… The Ethiopian man is perceived as both the oppressor and the oppressed.”

The interviewees described receiving messages throughout their lives in Israel encouraging them to blend in and to be obedient and mediocre rather than to excel. Even when in grade school, some describe being diverted to study tracks that precluded prestigious careers, despite high capabilities (Chachashvili-Bolotin et al., 2021). Even those who arrived in Israel at a very young age also experienced this discrimination:

I finished high school with a complete matriculation certificate,but what good did it do me? After taking the exams I had to do a lot of catching up to be accepted to the Technion [a renowned university,] … I couldn’t understand why I wasn’t taught [what I needed] to get to the Technion from the start (P. works in the security industry).

At the same time, G., who works as a senior advocate in a government ministry, describes the experience of seeing people arriving for a meeting with him, look in, then walk past his office door: “People come to see me, and every time I see them going past my room and not coming in. Only after they asked again, do they come in and seem very surprised to meet me.”

These experiences were confirmed by V, a professional expert who guides youth entering the labor market who described how young men of Ethiopian origin internalize and adopt a model of “integration” that leads to mediocrity rather than excellence:

Socially, these youngsters … are highly motivated. There is problem with the men in shaping hopes and faith that will strengthen their self-image and aspirations and allow [them] to realize [their] potential…. I meet a lot of youngsters who don’t realize their potential, combined with lack of self-confidence and low expectations.

These quotes reveal how dominant is the perception among both immigrant and majority cultures that immigrant men should aim to fit in, underachieve, and be mediocre—and expectation heightened by their skin color and the process of migration that leads others to view them as immigrants and strangers,Footnote 3 leading, according to most interviews, to feelings of exclusion. As L., an expert professional who guides youth entering the employment market, explained:

Youngsters tell me that when they arrive at a workplace, they have similar experiences. People are unsure how to address them; they are never seen as Israelis. Either you are an immigrant man, or you are an Ethiopian man, and it’s hard. Hard because they start out at a different place that is always lower than others.

L. further describes the employment market as follows:

In Israel today, when [they] look at an Ethiopian man, [they] sometimes see him as Ethiopian more than as a man. Masculinity is colored by skin color, and this makes people behave differently.

The combination of perceptions of migrants’ masculinity that encourage fitting in rather than excellence, alongside perceptions of difference because of their skin color, blocks the possibility of employment excellence both by the dominant society and sometimes by immigrant men of Ethiopian origin themselves.

Between Uniqueness and Suspicion: Masculinity, Ethnicity, and Excellence in the Labor Market

Most of the interviewees were hired in their profession because they excelled and because they had acquired prestigious university degrees. Nonetheless, most noted encountering difficulties finding their first professional position, especially if they were applying for a job unrelated to the Ethiopian community, supporting what we already know about biases related to skin color and masculinity, ranging from suspicion (the “immediate suspect”) to exception (“the first Ethiopian to …”). Moreover, these perceptions affected their chances of being hired, as well as later promotions, in contrast to the experiences of women of Ethiopian origin (Walsh & Yonas, 2012). One expert interviewed noted that “Women always look nice, weak and everyone wants to save them [while] men are the first to be [scrutinized] carefully” (T, expert|).

Each job interview, each promotion, often includes an oblique discussion of the fact that I’m Ethiopian. When I started working, I felt that I was always being scrutinized more, that there isn’t faith in me, that I’m suspected, but now that I’m in a good position, they boast that I’m Ethiopian, and that’s not great… (M., Law).

[When] you come to the interview, it takes them a while to understand that you are the candidate. Believe me they are used to seeing Ethiopian men as security guards at the mall, [but it does] not make sense to them that I graduated and came for a job interview (B., Security Forces).

I finished the first semester with an average of 92%. I’m used to [such grades] from high school…. But when other people heard about it, they were very surprised, [including] people I studied with. There was a ceremony for excellent students, and they saw me there and I think it was strange for them … I believe pretty much that men suffer more from this institutional racism (N., information systems security).

Young people tell me that when they arrive at a workplace…people are confused about how to approach them. They are never seen as Israelis, either you are an immigrant man or you are an Ethiopian man and it is difficult. It is difficult because they start from a different point which is always lower than others. The ones who don’t fall are the ones who managed to adapt to themselves the thought that no matter what they think, they know what they and their family went through and who they are (L. expert).

The majority of senior positions in the labor market are staffed by men. The analysis of the interviews revealed that the combination of dark skin and perceptions of masculinity and senior positions reinforces extreme perceptions ranging from suspicion to exception by employers. The contrast between these extremes and the lack of moderate middle-ground perceptions intensifies the obstacles to attaining senior positions and succeeding in the employment market. Such extreme perceptions of other immigrant groups diminish over time, but they appear to persist with regard to Israelis of Ethiopian origin (Amit & Chachashvili-Bolotin, 2007, 2018).

Dealing with Racist Perceptions on the Path to a Successful Career

All the interviewees, without exception, claimed that racism is prevalent over the course of their personal and professional lives. Despite directly experiencing racism, most said they chose not to react. Instead, they distanced themselves from the discourse about racism until they had reached senior positions, after which most took a variety of explicit actions aimed at eradicating racism—both from within the community and outside it. Some chose to deal with displays of racism passively:

During my studies I experienced all sorts of things. For example, there was an end-of-semester party, and they wouldn’t let me in because I’m Ethiopian. I wanted to turn around and leave, but someone who knew me made a fuss, and in the end, they let me in. I don’t fight this war (N., information systems security).

I’ll tell you something, and this can really drive my wife crazy. I took it for granted. I didn’t think it was important. My young son was in a private kindergarten, where there were people who really had high status.… On Fridays, grandmothers and other relatives come to pick up the children; [they] wait for the gate to be opened. [As I stood waiting] to also pick up my son, one grandmother says to me: “Sir, this is a private kindergarten, what are you doing waiting here?” I said to her, “Listen, my son is in there.” She responded, “That can’t be.” And there was an argument between me and her [until] parents who know me started to get angry at her. They said to her, “Who are you anyway? It’s his son here. Why are you doing this to him?” She wanted me to prove to her and demanded that I enter the entrance code. [People] calmed me down. The thing was done, over. I brought my son home and told my wife and she blew up over it.… I told her let it go…There are so many cases…but I don’t make a fuss (H., government ministry).

B chose to act similarly when encountering racism: “My creed [is that] I am against racism, but you have to know how to live with it” (B. welfare professional).

In contrast, M., a 29-year-old municipal government professional, discussed the great importance of fighting racism and biases against masculinity and taking deliberate action:

[After leaving a pub at 8:30,] a policeman stopped me and asked, “Say, is the cell phone yours?” So, I said, “Yes, the cell phone is mine.” I was already pissed but I said, “Good evening…” Then he asks, “Do you have a receipt for it?” I said, “No, do you have a receipt for your cell phone?” [He then demanded,] “Give me your ID.” [When] I showed … he suddenly saw that I was an officer in the army, so he said, “Oh, sorry.” I said to him, “Everything is OK, brother, but remember that there are other Ethiopians here; there are students who live here.” A few days later I went to the commander of the police station. I told him what happened to me, and I said, “There are two options here. One option is that you have a talk with all the people who interact directly with citizens and explain to them that there are Ethiopian and black people here and explain the situation to them. Or the second option is that I prepare an educational workshop on the subject of stigma … for your officers, because I know that policemen have an hour a week for education…. In the end I prepared the activity [for police education].

A., a 35-year-old in the municipal and business sectors, also chose to take concrete action against the establishment and Israeli society in combatting racism:

I’m on [a ministry] committee… You shouldn’t be afraid …. to touch on things that relate to you. You can’t ignore problems when they arise… Who can guarantee that it won’t happen to your brother, to your mother, or to your aunt? They are all the same colour. Don’t forget where you’re from. Ultimately, the problem is racism. Everything stems from racism. Everything we hear and read. Police violence and the like. It stems at its foundation from racism. I can’t ignore it. I can’t just come and say, “It doesn’t interest me because it doesn’t affect me.” I do need to touch the sore spots in Israeli society, not just to cry out [but] to fix, to improve. Because this is where I come from.

In addition to these patterns of active responses to racism, some of the interviewees noted that they were active both within and outside of the Ethiopian community. Within the community, they encouraged youth to aspire to excellence and individual distinction. Outside their community, they devoted most of their energies to exposing racism and protesting against it:

When I meet someone who is not from the community, I take care to remind him how we feel and where it comes from; what the basis for it is. I always give examples, and then they empathize with the pain, because I don’t want to leave him with the headlines and images that he can see in the media. No, I want him to have a foundation. For members of the Ethiopian community–especially youngsters–I actually make sure not to emphasize the thing with racism. Not because it doesn’t exist, but to explain to them that it is one arm, one channel. Protesting is not a real solution (Y., education).

Regardless of their specific practices, the interviewees commonly noted that the way to combat the various expressions of racism is to challenge the false basic assumptions held by people who take racist action or express racist views. One theme that emerged is that for some interviewees, their very success in the labor market represents a response to racism:

Fighting racism can only happen with hard work, study, and entry to key positions. [It] re-positions the community (Y., education, 37).

[I] agree that, without a doubt, there is racism from the establishment. They are not colour blind. You feel it. I think, unfortunately, that we too, as a community, have to come up with solutions. Because undoubtedly there is racism, and it is right to complain, and it’s okay to raise this [issue], and to ignore those people who say here, “[The Ethiopians] are crying again.” Because it exists, there is nothing to do; it exists. And it should be talked about, and people should be aware of this. I think our role is to find a solution for it from us. And one of the solutions really is advancement: it really is for each one [of us] to take himself and get ahead. This is one of the most important things. That each one acquires as much education as possible and to be in as many places of influence as possible. It’s a cliché, but this is the way in my opinion. And only like this can we win (D., economy).

Migration as Strength

The interviewees recounted experiences of encountering attitudes that reflected a perception of weakness associated with their country of origin, including stereotypical images of deprivation, suffering, and poverty, along with an assumed unfamiliarity with “modern” culture. However, a prominent theme in all the interviews was the recognition of the strength and resilience of their immigrant parents and community. This notion significantly influences, among other factors, their journey toward success.

Young people tell me that when they arrive to a workplace, they have a similar experience. People are confused about how to approach them, they are never seen as Israelis. Either you are an immigrant man, or you are an Ethiopian man, and it is difficult. It is difficult because they start from a different point which is always lower than others. The ones who don’t fall are the ones who managed to adapt to themselves the thought that no matter what they think, they know what they and their family went through and who they are (L., Expert).

I went from Sudan by walking when I was a teenager. After what I and my community went through, I don’t even think about the option of not succeeding (H., government).

Every time, they treat me as an Ethiopian, as if I just arrived from a [remote] village….[I see that] they don’t know Ethiopia….they don’t know what my family went through. Today I understand that not only the path my parents went through to immigrate to Israel was difficult but also so was the whole process of their absorption. It is clear to me that I don’t care what they say about me, I know who I am and my family and where I am aiming my future. And my example to my younger brothers, if my brothers pay attention to what they are told [on the outside], is that they will get nowhere, so I have to be strong (D., economy).

As can be seen, the personal, familial, and communal migration experience serves as an empowering resource that enables overcoming obstacles and thereby achieving success.

Dialogue with the Community in the Process of Forging a Successful Career

The interviews, as well as research literature on the subject, demonstrate that the process of professional development and achieving career success entails an ongoing dialogue with one’s community of origin (Posern-Zieliński, 2018; Wojnicka & Pustułka, 2019). In most interviewees, we identified a pattern of distancing from their immediate environment (such as family and neighborhood) during the early stages of their career, when their ethnicity and gender (masculinity) were perceived as a burden or an obstacle to advancement. Once their careers were sufficiently advanced, they returned to their environment, culture, and community roots—processing immigration stories and amplifying their ethnicity as a valuable personal and professional resource:

When I enlisted [in the IDF], I would walk around like aggressive. Until I opened up, I understood [that in] the neighborhood where I grew up, everyone was in the same low socioeconomic situation. Not one of the parents worked in anything that was something. In the army everyone is the same; it doesn’t matter what colour. …I really distanced myself from the gang, from the neighborhood; I didn’t keep in touch… I would say that I was on duty for the weekend just because it made me feel better. At one point, when I enlisted in the regular army, and moved to live on my own [for] were several reasons: One, to stay away from the bad path. People may not be bad, but their way of life was a bad influence on me…. That’s what I told myself …. Second, I was fed up with supporting my family. I was earning a regular army salary and I wanted to save up. I realized that I …. couldn’t move forward [giving my money to my family]…. My brothers felt that I had abandoned them. Even though they were in boarding school, they would come home every other week, and I really was a kind of father in the family, though they had a father. My friends also saw that I was running away, kind of abandoning [them], and that I wouldn’t stick around in the neighborhood …. But I understood that I would always continue to be very supportive of the family (M., municipal government).

A., an education professional, described the importance he ascribes to a return to his roots as a foundation for success:

After everything I’ve been through, I am also promoting a social business initiative of mine. It is very, very close to my heart, the whole topic of the tradition and culture of Ethiopian Jews… First of all, to strengthen identity, in particular among the youth, [to] connect them to their past, to their culture… through all sorts of activities, all sorts of exercises, so that [they are] connected to their identity, to their past, to their culture. I think that the moment they are connected to their identity, to themselves, I think everything else will come on its own.

The interviewees describe their stories of immigration and their ethnicity as eventually becoming empowering resources. The process of immigration endowed them with a different, broader perspective, which enabled them to develop unique practices which were also embedded in the sphere of employment and allowed them to leverage and enrich their careers:

You experience all sorts of things during the immigration process that no non—migrant child of that age ever does. That is why I said earlier and [that] I was happy that I was born abroad in Ethiopia…. I was always asked, “What is your motto?” I have a [social] circle of Israeli society, I am part of the circle, but I can always step out of the circle and observe it. It’s like the sun over the earth. Seeing Israeli society differently. Because I also know another society, another culture…. I think this is something wonderful…. It is the source of my success as far as I’m concerned. It’s the family, the values, the culture, the tradition, and heritage of immigration that has a high price on the one hand, but also with the struggle [comes] hope and dreams…. It’s getting to Mt. Everest, nothing less (C., economy and business sectors).

Another interesting point that came up in most of the interviews is that, once they attained senior positions, the interviewees became “ambassadors” for their community whether by choice or not, enabling them to enact social change and help their community and Israeli society as a whole:

I see myself as an ambassador everywhere I meet with people, and I meet with senior people. Whether it’s in the civil service, or in the police, or other organizations, I feel that I am an ambassador for the [Ethiopian] community…. I don’t show it, I don’t go there, it isn’t said in any situation; I come as a representative of [a government] ministry, but this presence of Ethiopian immigrants in these places [is important]. For example, I arrive at a meeting at the Police Internal Investigations Department: It is significant even without being said; it means something that I am there. I investigate and look into files and materials… I never allow the community to become the “issue”…. If I go to a meeting at the State Attorney’s office, it’s important that someone of Ethiopian origin is at those places. My very presence in those places [is significant]. This is a place where the community needs to be… integrating into Israeli society … in all these places, not just at the level of junior staff, but also in senior management and more senior ranks (M., law).

The dialogue with ethnic identity that is accompanied by identification according to their skin color within Israeli society persists even when interviewees attain senior positions. However, different power relations develop as careers advance. Although the new power relations can also perpetuate existing stigmas, in cases where the interviewees succeeded in breaking through the glass ceiling and attaining senior positions based on merit, social change takes place.

Discussion

The aim of this paper was to analyze the mechanisms and circumstances in the process of achieving labor market success among migrant men from Ethiopia who, while members of a disadvantaged group, nevertheless hold senior positions in the public sector. This seeming paradox highlights the complex landscape of opportunity and discrimination they face. While the Ethiopian men in our study have overcome significant obstacles to reach high-level jobs, overall Israelis of Ethiopian origin are employed in the highly skilled professions at starkly lower rates than their representation in the population. This fact underlines the need for further investigation into the systemic barriers that continue to hold back many members of this community from fully realizing their potential in the academic and professional spheres.

The significance of considering intersections between masculinity, ethnic culture, and migration in research has been highlighted in various scholarly works. Milani (2015) emphasizes the plurality and intersectionality of masculinities, focusing on gender, race, and social class. Similarly, Wojnicka and Nowicka (2020) address how social and ethnic backgrounds shape narratives on foreign masculinities and femininities at the intersections of ethnicity and gender. Furthermore, Pichler (2021) illustrates the utility of intersectional invisibility using evidence from historical narratives, cultural representations, interest-group politics, and anti-discrimination legal frameworks. These references collectively support the importance of considering intersections between masculinity, ethnic culture, and migration in research.

The interviews revealed that one of the key challenges for Ethiopian Israeli men is derived from a combination of perceptions regarding their masculinity, ethnicity, immigration process, and excellence. Clearly, the interviewees have had to struggle to succeed and assimilate the predominant Israeli conception of masculinity whereby men dominate (Hacker, 2017) and to fight off the weaker status assigned to them. The application of a theoretical framework to these finding yields four main patterns of post-migration practices of success in the labor market. A discussion of these patterns follows.

A. Integration versus excellence: Men who succeeded in the labor market described how, throughout their lives and especially as adults, they distanced themselves from the expectations that they “play along,” “fit in,” or “be like everyone else” so that they could excel. Their actions and goals found expression despite the messages they received and “the expectations of society that we be like everyone else.” They overcame these expectations by constantly striving to excel and be their best. Some described being driven by personal motivation, while others noted the lack of faith by society. In addition to dealing with the implications of being men of color, they faced challenges throughout the immigration process including dealing with culture differences, with the meanings of migration, and with professional challenges. The interviewees employed practices of success that challenge existing theories and perspectives on integration in migration studies, focusing on excellence rather than on migrant success from an incorporation or integration perspective. The process of achieving success entailed leveraging their experiences of migration, ethnic culture, and masculinity as unique resources. This process was not one-sided in the sense that their success did not depend solely on their own choices and actions, but nonetheless, their beliefs and consequent practices are what led them ultimately to succeed. Taken together, the interviews demonstrated the ways in which ethnic and migrant cultures can be transformed into a form of cultural capital that can be harnessed in the pursuit of labor market success.

B. Distancing and rapprochement: Interviewees described an ongoing dialogue in relation to their ethnic culture and migrant capital, which included both distancing and rapprochement. Distancing usually took place during the early stages in their careers and was expressed in alienation from their families and/or the choice not to become involved in issues concerning their community of origin. Some explained that the distancing was a result of the feeling that their ethnicity, being migrants, and the challenges faced by their family members held them back and became an unbearable burden. As they advanced professionally, some felt the need to reinforce their ethnic culture and migrant cultural capital. The process of rapprochement included using their mother tongue in the workplace, becoming involved in issues of community concern, a sense of responsibility toward the younger generation, and involvement in community projects. One might argue that the combination of ethnic culture and migrant capital that was viewed as a burden or obstacle in the early stages of their careers became a resource deployed on the road to success and provided tools for dealing with the unique challenges they face as migrant men.

This same process of distancing and rapprochement is found also with regard to their masculinity. Over the course of their adult lives, as part of the process of “fitting in” these men distanced themselves from messaging regarding Ethiopian masculinity—for example, by not obstructing women’s progress. As they advanced professionally, they re-adopted the view of men’s roles as breadwinners and leaders of their family, prevalent in both Ethiopian and mainstream Israeli societies. Rapprochement with ethnic culture became a resource that contributed to their success.

C. Ignoring vs. challenging racism and marginalization: Different immigrants have a range of experiences being seen and perceived, including being stereotyped, marginalized, and the target of racism, as discussed by most interviewees. They generally dealt with racism either by ignoring or choosing not to interpret something as racist or by facing up to and actively challenging it, particularly as they advanced professionally.

Here too, as in the previous section, they were aware of and experienced racism, but chose to ignore it during the early stages of their careers; and later, as they advanced professionally, they chose to respond. In other words, the study revealed that their mode of action in dealing with racism transformed from passive to active over the course of their careers.

D. From advocating for the self and the community to responsibility toward the community of origin: The interviews revealed that men often experienced a contradiction between the way others assumed that they represented their community of origin and their own belief that they were representing themselves. Although largely representing themselves (despite being viewed by non-Ethiopians as community representatives), later in their careers they also assumed responsibility for issues concerning their community. Even once they attained senior positions, some chose explicitly not to advocate for the community, but they did assume extensive responsibilities for the relationship between their place of employment and the community. Moreover, most interviewees discussed the conflict they experienced between being an individual within Israeli society and a man of the Ethiopian community, asked to stand in for the entire community. While there was no single pattern of representing oneself and one’s community, as they advanced in their careers, their sense of responsibility toward their community grew stronger.

The study shows that migrant men face unique challenges, a fact that underscores the importance of state and employer policies that address migrant men’s particular labor market challenges and promote excellence as a goal. Such a policy approach would perhaps begin to introduce what the literature considers to be the pervasive intersectional nature of masculinity and racism and its implications for diverse groups, particularly aimed at equality in the labor market.

Foremost among the study’s limitations is it focuses on men successfully employed in the public sector only. A follow-up study would identify patterns of success in other market sectors, such as the business and non-profit sectors, and allow us to understand the differences and similarities in modes of action and their theoretical and practical implications. Additionally, this study examined the post-migration practices of success in the labor market and there is lack of in-depth investigation of the broader meaning of success among migrant men. Again, further study may redress this shortcoming.

Conclusion

In summary, this article has described migrant men’s practices on the path to success—practices often overlooked in theories of migration despite the fact that the term “migrant success” is much more complex than the combination of two single words, “success” and “migrant.” Contemporary theory understands migrant success as integration; but, as we have shown, migrant practices of success are not practices of integration and thus success does not simply represent a higher level of integration. Practices of migrant success, which change over time, also include breaking rules and ignoring conventions within the community, the family, and the receiving society. An immigrant usually must accept the conventions of the destination society, while an immigrant who is successful in the labor market can challenge those conventions.

The dynamics ruling perceptions of migrant masculinity, skin color, and status as migrants lead the study participants to always being seen as other—those who must fit in rather than stand out, those who will probably retain their status as immigrants regardless of where they were born or when they came to Israel. On the other hand, their masculinity is ignored by agents of the state, by the labor market, and even by much of the academic literature. It would appear that masculinity has become invisible and is taken for granted, even though there are social constructs and constraints in daily life that are specific to men and their invisibility generates a significance that is worthy of our attention. This study acknowledges the unique social constructs and challenges that migrant men face, calling into question the concept of integration which defines success as integration, mediocrity, and a lack of excellence both on the personal level and on the macro level and pointing to the value of examining migrant men’s success from the perspective of migrant cultural capital and views of migration masculinity as dynamic concepts.