Abstract
The biological foundations of language reflect assumptions about the way language and biology relate to one another, and with the rise of biological studies of language, we appear to have come closer to a deep understanding of linguistic cognition–the part of cognition constituted by language. This article argues that relations of neurobiological and genetic instantiation between linguistic cognition and the underlying biological substrate are ultimately irrelevant to understanding the higher-level structure and form of language. Linguistic patterns and those that make up the character of cognition constituted by language do not simply arise from the biological substrate because higher-level structures typically assume forms based on constraints that only emerge once these new levels are constructed. The goal is not to show how the mapping problem between linguistic cognition and neurobiology can be solved. Rather, the goal is to show the mapping problem ceases to exist once a different understanding of language-(neuro)biology relations is embraced. With this goal, this article first uncovers a number of logical and conceptual fallacies in strategies deployed in understanding language-(neuro)biology relations. After having shown these flaws, the article offers an alternative view of language-biology relations that shows how biological constraints shape language (nature and form), making it what it is.
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In this paper, ‘linguistic cognition’ is demarcated to include not just the form of cognitive representations formatted by natural language but also psycholinguistic processes or procedures that are used for language but are part of the ensemble of all cognitive processes the brain allows for.
The relation of supervening is an ontological relation specifying how a lower level/scale entity determines the form and organization of a higher level/scale entity. For instance, subjective states of the mind (such as feelings and emotions) can be said to supervene on the physical properties and processes in the brain because any changes in subjective states are due to the changes in the physical properties and processes in the brain. In the present case, this is about the relation of processes in the brain to the form of linguistic cognition. The supervening relation could tell us whether any differences in the form of linguistic cognition are due to changes in the physical states and processes in the brain. This can be partly constrained by the complexity of linguistic cognition (the whole) from the lower-level neurons and neuronal networks (the parts).
Although the system of language in the mind is attributed to speakers and listeners that operate under severe temporal constraints and constrains of working memory, there is no denying that it is the same system of language that also allows for the formation of an unbounded number of (or possibly infinite) constructions and expressions. It is this very fact that has led Chomsky (2000) to posit Merge as the fulcrum of both abstractions and its implementation in the brain–this seems to have confounded the distinction between the character of abstractions in a formal system and the nature of functioning of a finite system such as the brain (Postal 2009). Hence the problem of how the finite human mind/brain gives rise to potentially infinite linguistic structures does not arise for those who hold on to the Chomskyan conception. The present paper does not, of course, presuppose what the Chomskyan conception presupposes.
The concept of multiple realization is usually traced to Putnam (1967). A cognitive function is multiply realizable only if it can be instantiated in multiple types of substrate. In the present case, the human neuronal machinery is unique for the unique cognitive organization that language gives rise to.
Even when neural networks are said to learn from experience, or the brain is rewired to read words, the nature of the causal information flow from experiences to the brain is not fully understood (Rolls 2021). Besides, the causal influence of experiences is one thing, and the information flow in interactions between the brain and abstractions in language is another. The latter is a mind-dependent product of the former.
It may be noted that for Chomsky unification does not simply mean that the mental realm has to be united with the neurophysiological system because this tends to re-interpret the mental in terms of what is physical. Rather, he thinks the neurophysiological level, which is of course physical, may turn out to be mental at a lower level as we go about exploring the properties of the mind at various levels. Thus, unification in this sense does not presuppose a serious ontological distinction between the mental and the neural–an idea that is supported by what is called 'methodological naturalism' which encourages applying the same scientific methodology to the study of both the mind and the body including the brain.
Sanz (2013) has pointed out that 'jump' as a verb can occur in a causative form in garden-path sentences, even though some native speakers of English may not grasp this immediately.
Here the term 'linguistic principles' indicates that the principles concerned are part and parcel of the psychological procedures and/or routines uniquely employed for (the processing of) linguistic structures, as also clarified in footnote 1.
In example (1), for instance, ‘the soldier’ (A) can be the set of soldiers containing a singleton entity in this case, ‘jumped near the barbed wire fences’ (B) is the set of those who jumped near the barbed wire fences and ‘finally collapsed’ is the set of those who finally collapsed. Thus, we have that A ⊆ B & A ⊆ C -->A⋂B ⊆ C where the linear sequence is A < B < C and ‘-->’ means ‘then it follows that’. This formulation can apply to (2–3) as well. In contrast, the interpretation of (4) turns on whether or not the-students⋂come-to-see-me-every-day holds, or the-professors ⋂come-to-see-me-every-day does. In (5) the straightforward interpretation is that of countries-in-the-world⋂do-not-execute-criminals. The bold part in each case for (4–5) is a set.
In order to better understand this point, one could think of a case where one thing is unequivocally instantiated in another. Suppose there is computer game or a simulation of evolutionary dynamics. Whatever happens when the software runs is not fully defined by the computer’s hardware, and there must be certain regularities defined at some other level (in this case, the software) such that even if we knew precisely what the computer hardware is and what it is capable of, we would still not fully know what the game or the simulation does. We would, however, know about some constraints that underlie what the game might do. But this does not give us a purchase on understanding why the regularities and patterns in the software are the way they are. Even a clear-cut case of instantiation does present this problem, and if so, we wonder why the system of patterns in linguistic cognition cannot when its relation to neurobiology is not clear enough.
The role of genetic variation/determination may seem relevant here because one may insist that components of language are ultimately coded and expressed by genetic networks. Hence the claim could be that the determination of cognitive properties of language can be traced to these genetic networks and their emergent expressions.
Even a full understanding of the neural implementation of language is unlikely to be sufficient to derive all the constraints and regularities that appear in language. No detailed account of the neuronal processes can account for why passive alternations, for example, are the way they are.
Here the concept of governing by mechanisms of genetic coding has to be understood as the preparation of the language-ready brain for the emergence of the language capacity as a whole which can be identified with an aspect (or dimension) of language distinct from the conception of language as consisting of internally complex parts such as syntax, morphology, phonology and semantics. This is discussed in detail in "Language-Biology Relations: A Revisionary View" section.
One plausible way of accounting for the mirroring patterns in the form of linguistic cognition shaped by the alternations in syntactic structures is to adopt the notion of synfire chains which encode serial structures of symbols within words and neuronal sequence detectors which can encode sequences of symbols such as words by means Hebbian learning of strengthening and weaning of connections (Pulvermüller 2002). Both synfire chains and neuronal sequence detectors are composed of neuronal webs that are a kind of highly connected neuronal assemblies. Further, this can also be achieved by means of certain oscillatory mechanisms through the binding of alpha and gamma rhythms in the brain that are sensitive to serial order (Murphy 2015). Regardless of whether or not neuronal chains or the binding of neural oscillatory rhythms does in reality capture the linguistic mirror reversal relation at hand, what is noteworthy is that these accounts re-describe the given linguistic relations in terms that are neither causal nor explanatorily adequate. Thus, for example, neuronal chains encoding order are actually chains encoding order with the term 'neuronal' adding just the substrate to the description. The description at hand in terms of chains encoding the serial order of symbols may also be advanced without any commitment to neuronal grounding, and if so, the description does not have to be, or is simply not, necessarily neuronal. Likewise, the binding of rhythms in the brain should not be unique to linguistic relations; nor are they explanatorily involved in certain selective linguistic relations but not others which are part of the logical complexity of language because the logical complexity of language, however dynamic it may be, is outside a strict spatio-temporal frame of reference whereas brain oscillations are, after all, dynamic processes occurring in real time (Buzsáki and Freeman 2015). Even though the logical complexity of language may change over time, its stabilized form (say, the distinction between sentence negation and constituent negation) at any time point is always outside the spatio-temporal frame of reference of brain oscillations (language as a phenomenon is at issue here, but not how people use language). Even though low-frequency brain rhythms (such as the delta oscillations) can have the coupling with the high-frequency brain rhythms (such as theta, beta, gama oscillations) to support the phrase structuring of linguistic strings in syntax (Murphy 2020), this does not establish that the logical properties of phrasal constituents (such as constituent negation, constituent coordination etc.) reside in the coupling. They are, after all, emergent properties that ride on brain-culture co-development. The answer concerned cannot be found in brain rhythms, crucially because bottom-up and top-down oscillatory processes run across cortical levels to maintain coherence in experiences of everything around us, not just language.
The discussion of two relevant dimensions of language here does not in any way presuppose that these are the only dimensions of language. In fact, there is also a view of language on which language is an array of embodied collective interpersonal activities that often serve social coordinating functions (see Thibault 2004). This view is also shared by most sociolinguists. Its importance for the present context is that this does not deny the role of biology in shaping interpersonal activities in language (Melrose 2005; see also Mondal 2012). Taken in this sense, this view in fact accords well with the notion of language as a linguistic capacity embodied and grounded in the socio-cultural niche humans live in. But this does not, of course, mean that the actual structuring of the collective interpersonal activities is itself to be found in biology.
Even though languages vary widely, certain syntactic patterns or rules do not occur in human language grammars, which suggests that there are biological constraints on human language grammars (see Tettamanti et al., 2002). This may indeed be the case, but the connection will not be direct. As argued here, neurobiological developmental constraints certainly can shape abstract properties of human language grammars indirectly via their control on the growth and gradual expression of the language capacity in development. One example can clarify this. For instance, the fact that no natural language grammar has a question formation rule that permutes the sequence of words in the inverse direction (say, < a, b, c, d, e > to < e, d, c, b, a >) has to do to sensory-motor and working-memory mechanisms, neural pathways for information integration, and mechanisms of sequential processing and motor programming/planning which are directly governed by neurobiological constraints.
Moro et al. (2001) has shown that syntactic processing can be isolated from lexical-semantic processing, especially in connection with the detection of anomalies in sentences consisting of pseudowords. This may suggest that the syntactic capacity can be actually isolated from the linguistic capacity as a whole. But this argument is fallacious, precisely because sentences consisting of pseudowords make sense only with reference to the linguistic capacity as a whole. It is precisely due to the possession of the linguistic capacity that we are able to detect patterns in sentences composed of pseudowords, for strings of pseudowords must conform to regular patterns found in natural language. Languageless creatures cannot make the distinction between human language words and possible human language pseudowords and then between human language sentences composed of words and sentences consisting of pseudowords (see Terrace 2019). Besides, processing sentences consisting of pseudowords may be a quite different thing from processing actual sentences in human language (see Pylkkänen 2019). Moreover, the experimental study of Röder et al. (2002) contradicts the findings of Moro et al. (2001), in that the effects of scrambling (word order alterations) for sentences with real words are found to be more pronounced in the left inferior frontal gyrus (especially, the Broca’s region) than for sentences containing pseudowords. If Broca’s region is exclusively for syntactic processing and not for semantic integration, then these syntactic processes for sentences containing pseudowords should be equally pronounced. But this was not observed. There is also no compelling neurobiological evidence till now that confirms that Broca’s region or any other brain region is solely dedicated to syntactic processing (Kaan and Swaab 2002; Rogalsky and Hickok 2011). In addition, contrary to the findings of Moro et al. (2001), the role of basal ganglia is not essential in morpho-syntactic processing (Longworth et al., 2005).
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Mondal, P. A Critical Perspective on the (Neuro)biological Foundations of Language and Linguistic Cognition. Integr. psych. behav. (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-022-09741-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-022-09741-0