Traditional assumptions about rationality presume that when people deduce, their judgment should abide by Bayes’ Rule (Morris 1974, 1977) and should not be affected by semantical descriptions. However, since Simon (1957) proposed the idea of bounded rationality, a significant amount of experimental and field evidence suggests that people sometimes do not perform perfectly due to inner or outer factor restrictions such as cognitive limitations, logical errors, misapprehensive implication, pressured time allocation, or varying contents. In particular, studies based on probability judgment suggest that people often show biases (e.g., base-rate neglect, conjunction fallacy, disjunction fallacy, hindsight bias, overconfidence, sample-size neglect) in the probabilistic (Bayesian) inference tasks and therefore violate some fundamental key properties of classical probability theory. We note that the conjunction and disjunction fallacies are two related phenomena that have been well-researched in the past 30 years and become two necessary components in bias and fallacy studies.
Conjunction and Disjunction Fallacies
The conjunction fallacy explores how individuals commonly violate a basic probability rule by estimating probability of conjunction of two statements to be more probable than the probability they assign to at least one of its constituent statements. Tversky and Kahneman (1983) first proposed the conjunction fallacy. In their seminal study, they presented participants with an afterwards well-known probability judgment scenario named the Linda task. A hypothetical woman named Linda as well as a personality sketch on some of her characteristic and activities functioned as the target E on which they later asked the participants to make judgment about Linda.
(E) Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken, and very bright. She majored in philosophy. As a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of discrimination and social justice, and also participated in antinuclear demonstrations.
After reading the description of that target E, they requested the participants to estimate the probability of a number of statements that were true referring to E. Three statements are included as follows:
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(T)
Linda is a bank teller.
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(F)
Linda is active in the feminist movement.
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(T ∧ F)
Linda is a bank teller and is active in the feminist movement.
The participants should estimate the individual statement T as more likely than the conjunction T ∧ F since it is impossible for Linda to be a feminist bank teller without also being a bank teller. However, a significant amount of later studies found that the majority of respondents commit single conjunction fallacy and even double conjunction fallacy (e.g., Abelson, et al. 1987; Fantino, et al. 1997). The single conjunction fallacy means that respondents judge the conjunctive estimate being higher than one of the constituent and being lower than the other constituent. The double conjunction fallacy means that respondents judge the conjunctive estimate being higher than both of the constituents. The observed high error rate is most extraordinary and was even up to 87 % in Tversky and Kahneman (1983). Strikingly, even in a distinct and succinct Linda problem in which only three statements T, F, and T ∧ F were presented to participants, it was still found in Tversky and Kahneman (1983) that 85 % of the participants rated T ∧ F as more probable than T. A number of studies found that a range of boundary factors, e.g., feedback (Charness et al. 2010), hint (Brachinger and Monney 2003), individual differences (Feeney et al., 2007; Fisk 2005; Morsanyi et al. 2010; Stanovich and West, 1998), economic incentives (Charness et al. 2010; Zizzo et al. 2000), response formats (Ellen 2000; Hertwig and Gigerenzer 1999; Von Sydow 2011; Wedell and Moro 2008), and source reliability (Bovens and Hartmann 2003), influence the incidence of the conjunction fallacy. The accumulated evidence of experimentation from 1980s has suggested that the violation is highly robust to variations in response modes and is very easy to replicate in a variety of contexts.
In a similar violation of probability theory, the disjunction fallacy shows that people estimate a disjunctive statement to be less probable than at least one of its component statements (e.g., Bar-Hillel and Neter 1993; Carlson and Yates 1989). When people judge that the disjunctive estimate is higher than one of the constituent and is lower than the other constituent, they commit the single disjunction fallacy. When people judge that the disjunctive estimate is lower than both of the constituents, they commit the double disjunction fallacy. A handful of studies focused on the disjunction fallacy and found relevant evidence on its happening. For example, Young et al. (2007) found that adding a stigmatized vector (e.g., unprotected sex) to a list of otherwise innocuous possible vectors causes reduced estimated likelihood, in violation of disjunction probability rule. Lambdin and Burdsal (2007) rectified the claims of Kuhberber et al. (2001) that people do not violate the sure-thing principle in repeated gambles and further suggested that people do regularly violate the sure-thing principle in two-step gambles, providing evidence for the reality of disjunction effects. Li et al. (2012) confirmed the reason-based account on explanation of the disjunction fallacy. Since manifesting a similar fallacious procedure comparing with the conjunction fallacy, the disjunction fallacy was not studied too much, and the relevant researches still mainly focused on the conjunction fallacy.
There are four critical explanations as to why many manifestations of this fallacious behavior on conjunctive probability judgment might happen. The initial explanation ascribes the fallacy as that people rely on some psychological relations such as the representativeness and availability theory models which arouse the conjunction fallacy (e.g., Bar-Hillel and Neter 1993; Brachinger 2005; Tversky and Kahneman 1983). Concretely, Tversky and Kahneman (1983) considered that different problem types would induce people to apply different judgment heuristics. When people are presented a problem with dramatic meaning, they are more deeply appealed by its content. Therefore, their attentions no longer focus on using principles of probability to judge it. However, these heuristics have been criticized heavily by Gigerenzer (1996) as being far “too vague to count as explanations” (p. 593) and “lack theoretical specification” (p. 594). Also Gavanski and Roskos-Ewoldsen (1991) found representativeness involved insofar as it only influences the probabilities of component statements. Therefore, many accumulated evidence (others see Wolford et al. 1990; Yates and Carlson 1986, etc.) have shown opposite opinions against the representativeness and availability heuristics’ interpretation on the conjunction fallacy.
A second major interpretation postulates that the conjunction fallacy is unquestionably considered a probabilistic error (e.g., Bar-Hillel and Neter 1993; Costello 2009; Tversky and Kahneman 1983) or linguistic misunderstanding (e.g., Hartmann and Meijs 2012; Hertwig et al. 2008; Macdonald and Gilhooly 1990; Politzer and Noveck 1991; Wolford et al. 1990). For instance, Costello (2009) proposed that participants represent the conjunction as an effect of random error in the judgment process. It is quite obvious that when people mistake A ∧ B into A ∨ B, the probability of the “conjunctive” statement is larger than its components’ probabilities. Wolford et al. (1990) (see also Wolford 1991) proposed that participants misunderstand conditional probabilities of T∣E, F∣E and (T ∧ F)∣E to E∣T, E∣F and E∣(T ∧ F) respectively. Politzer and Noveck (1991) argued that the task demands are likely to compel participants to misinterpret a base statement (e.g., T) as the conjunction of the base statement and the complement of an added statement (e.g., T ∧ ¬F [Linda is a bank teller and she is not a feminist]). Therefore, when assuming that T and F are independent and that participants’ probability estimate on F is larger than 0.5, the probability of T ∧ F is larger than the probability of T ∧ ¬F. However, Moro (2009) found that the rate of violations of the conjunction rule remains prevalent by explicitly including the statement T ∧ ¬F along with T as well as T ∧ F in the judgment task (also see Tentori et al. 2004; Wedell and Moro 2008), which questions the theoretical tenability of Politzer and Noveck’s (1991) argument. Furthermore, Tentori and Crupi (2012) obtained results overtly contradictory to the claims of Hertwig et al. (2008) that unintended misinterpretations of the logical connective “and” emerged from “reasonable pragmatic inferences” (p. 752) may account for behaviour of the conjunction fallacy. It is theoretically argued by Tentori and Crupi (2012) that, firstly, it is uncontroversial that different interpretations of the word “and” across different sentences do not imply anything about the word’s ambiguity within a given sentence. Second and majorly, even when the word “and” is not exhausted by the logical operator ∧, its interpretation often legitimizes application of the conjunction rule all the same. In short, the linguistic misunderstanding explanation attributes the conjunction and disjunction fallacies to significantly different meanings of the questions and of participants’ interpretations.
On the other hand, some critical explanations that have been proposed based on Bayesian solutions suggested that the conjunction fallacy might not be fallacious in certain circumstances (among others Bovens and Hartmann 2003; Busemeyer et al. 2011; Tentori et al. 2013). For instance, Bovens and Hartmann (2003) explicitly argued from source reliability perspective that the conjunction fallacy can be accounted for in a Bayesian framework given prior beliefs in the likelihood of Linda being a feminist given her background description. They argue that participants who believe T ∧ F more than T are rational if and only if: ΔProb = Prob (T, F|RepT, RepF) - Prob (T|RepT) > 0, where RepT denotes a report of T by the participants’ certain witness scenario. If so, the participants would, in a Bayesian perspective, not be committing a reasoning fallacy when responding that T ∧ F is more likely than T. Besides, Busemeyer et al. (2011) proposed that in accordance with a generalization of Bayesian probability theory, quantum probability model can explain the conjunction fallacy, though Tentori and Crupi (2013) argued against their approach’s explanation. On the other hand, Tentori et al. (2013) put forth new empirical findings as defined by contemporary Bayesian theory of argument that the conjunction fallacy depends on the added conjunct (e.g., F) being perceived as inductively confirmed rather than some of competing explanations’, e.g., the averaging hypothesis (Fantino et al. 1997), the random error model (Costello 2009), proposals that the conjunction fallacy rates would rise as the posterior probability of the added conjunct does. Then Tentori et al. (2013) argued that their results cannot be explained by those prevalent judgment models and therefore provided new evidence for the role of inductive confirmation as a major determinant of the conjunction fallacy.
The fourth perspective assumes that the conjunction fallacy is aroused by incorrectly using certain integrate computing models, i.e., compensatory strategies, or heuristic models, i.e., non-compensatory strategies (see Betsch and Fiedler 1999 and Gavanski and Roskos-Ewoldsen 1991 for a discussion). These integrate computing models include proposals as diverse as averaging rule hypotheses (Fantino et al. 1997), configural weighted average model (Juslin et al. 2009; Nilsson et al. 2009), conjunction coefficient model (Abelson et al. 1987), fuzzy logical model of perception (Massaro 1994), random error model (Costello 2009), and signed sum model (Yates and Carlson 1986). For instance, Fantino et al. (1997) proposed that people non-normatively average the likelihood of the two components in arriving at a judgment of the likelihood of the conjunction. On the other hand, these heuristic models include proposals such as potential surprise hypothesis (Fisk 2002) and the reasoning bias hypothesis (Moro 2009). Although incorrectness comparing with the probability theory and even several of the integrative computing models are very unlikely from a psychological point of view, both the integrative and heuristic models explain when and why fallacious behaviors appear or disappear.
The question of whether people rely on psychological relations, Bayesian rules (no matter whether Bayesian probability theory is believed in the correct way or other kind of understandings), the integrative models, or the heuristic models in their judgment is still in dispute (e.g., Denes-Raj and Epstein 1994; Kemmelmeier 2009). Still there are some evidences that support the psychological relations interpretation, such as the representativeness theory (Brachinger 2005; Wells 1985). At the same time, the formal Bayesian frameworks (notably classical probability theory) are still prosperous (e.g., recently Crupi et al. 2008; Hartmann and Meijs 2012; Shogenji 2012; Von Sydow 2011) but are also questioned from the growing studies on bounded rationality that realizes the limitations of the human mind and the structure within which the mind operates, even such as in some Bayesian frameworks on the conjunction fallacy (e.g., Brachinger 2005; Franco 2007). On the other hand, the integrative models’ interpretation has been developed as the substitutive rules to compensate people’s incorrect use of Bayes’ Rule. Those integrative models, e.g., the weighting and summing calculation process (Nilsson et al. 2009), assume as usual as the expectation rule that people should be competent for the needed quantitative calculation. By contrast, the heuristic models’ interpretation sheds light on people’s non-compensatory strategies and proposes a bounded rationality perspective on the phenomena. Furthermore, the heuristic models highlight people’s fundamental and underlying cognitive processes more closely than the integrative models that emphasis on outcome prediction or goodness-of-fitting. Especially, recent studies, e.g., Birnbaum and LaCroix 2008; Brandstatter et al. 2006; Wang and Li 2012, have accumulated some evidence that supports for the heuristic models (for the integrative vs. heuristic models’ debate, see Gigerenzer and Selten 2001 for a discussion). Some tendencies (e.g., Mosconi and Macchi 2001) have also been gained to employ these heuristic conceptual approaches to veritably model human judgment illusions under uncertainty, such as the conjunction fallacy. The attempt to employ the heuristic models for modeling cognition has enabled the introduction of several new concepts in psychology, such as simple heuristics, ecological or pragmatic rationality, and bounded rationality.
Now that there are different theoretical explanations of the conjunction and disjunction fallacies, it appears obviously doubtful that there is a univocal mechanism that fully attributes to all the phenomena. At the same time, there may well be other approaches that reflect underlying mental processes of the phenomena. Therefore, in the next part, we propose the equate-to-differentiate model (Li 2004), a heuristic model, to explain the phenomena.
Assumption of the Equate-to-Differentiate Model’s Explanation of the Conjunction and Disjunction Fallacies
The equate-to-differentiate model (Li 2004) assumes that when people make judgments or choices among a few propositional statements (e.g., concerning occupations or personality dispositions), people implement such a judgmental process by filtering one or several less distinct dimension(s) of each statement. Furthermore, the model assumes that people base their judgments of the relative likelihoods of the conjunctive/disjunctive and single statements on the values derived from the most distinct dimension of each statement (while neglecting other less distinct dimension(s)). The most distinct dimensions of a statement A and another statement B, for example, are the ones that exist at least one j such that | \( \left|{U}_{A_j}\left({x}_j\right)-{U}_{B_j}\left({x}_j\right)\right|=\left|{U}_{A_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)-{U}_{B_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)\right| \) having subjectively treated all | \( \left|{U}_{A_j}\left({x}_j\right)-{U}_{B_j}\left({x}_j\right)\right|<\left|{U}_{A_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)-{U}_{B_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)\right| \) as \( {U}_{A_j}\left({x}_j\right) \) = \( {U}_{B_j}\left({x}_j\right) \), where x
j
(j = 1,…,m) is the objective value of each statement on dimension j and | \( \left|{U}_{A_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)\right|-\left|{U}_{B_{j0}}\left({x}_j\right)\right| \) = max {\( {\displaystyle {\sum}_{j=1}^m\Big|{U}_{A_j}\left({x}_j\right)}-{U}_{B_j}\left({x}_j\right)\Big| \)}. On the other hand, the less distinct dimensions of A and B are the rest ones besides the most distinct dimensions. One statement with a larger outcome of its most distinct dimension is preferred to another statement with a less outcome of its most distinct dimension.
As concerns the standard conjunctive Linda problem, the model presumes that a decision maker uses only the subjective marginal probability about T ∧ F and uses the information of one of the two involved dimensions of T ∧ F (\( \mathbb{T} \) vs. \( \mathbb{F} \)) in the first place (see Fig. 1 for representing the model’s interpretation of the standard conjunctive Linda problem). Suppose the decision maker judges f ≥ t, where t and f are the probabilities of T and F and can also be seen as the objective values of the dimensions \( \mathbb{T} \) and \( \mathbb{F} \), respectively. In the case of comparing T with T ∧ F, the less distinct dimension (\( \mathbb{T} \)) is equally present in T and in T ∧ F and therefore yields equal outcomes. Then the decision maker restricts the situation to only another two dimensions, the most distinct dimensions \( \mathbb{T} \) of T and \( \mathbb{F} \) of T ∧ F, respectively. Only in this case, in a second model step the most distinct dimensions are consulted as well: \( \mathbb{T} \) is hence compared to \( \mathbb{F} \), then the decision maker yields (T ∧ F) ≽L
T.Footnote 1 Similarly, in the case of comparing F with T ∧ F, the less distinct dimension (\( \mathbb{F} \)) is equally present in F and in T ∧ F and therefore yields equal outcomes. Only in this case, in a second model step the most distinct dimensions are consulted as well: \( \mathbb{F} \) of F is hence compared to \( \mathbb{T} \) of T ∧ F, then the decision maker yields F ≽ L
T ∧ F.
In sum, the model predicts that the decision maker would err in the conjunctive Linda problem by judging F ≽L (T ∧ F) ≽L
T when he judges f ≥ t. Similarly, the prediction for the disjunctions is identical to those for the conjunctions. In the standard disjunctive Linda problem, the model predicts that the decision maker would commit disjunction fallacy by judging F ≽L (T ∨ F) ≽L
T when he judges f ≥ t. The theoretical hypothesis of interpreting the conjunction fallacy by the model can also address comparisons between several conjunctions (or disjunctions) or more complex conjunctions (or disjunctions), but this more complex situation will not be discussed in the current paper.
The Present Study
The legitimate and primary goal of the present study is to add a new equate-to-differentiate model’s (Li 2004) explanation on the documented catalogue of the conjunction and disjunction fallacies. In two experiments, the judged likelihood of four components constituted two combinatorial statements, and they were varied in scenario of the most-studied Linda problem to test the model’s explanations.
Second, taking into account a number of existing combination rules put forward so far to explain the biases, the equate-to-differentiate model was compared with the configural weighted average model (CWA, Nilsson et al. 2009), potential surprise model (Fisk 2002) and signed sum model (Yates and Carlson 1986) to see which patterns in data that supported the equate-to-differentiate model but that cannot be accounted for by the candidate models. It should be noted that the data from Experiment 1 to 2 potentially could be explained by the three candidate models and only how well the data fit the equate-to-differentiate model was discussed in the present paper.
Third, in Experiment 2 a Venn diagram task was designed to investigate participants’ understood meaning of the conjunctive connection word “and”.
In two experiments, we tested two predictions. Since the equate-to-differentiate model’s explanation indicates that the larger constituent would be judged more probable than the compound combination and the compound combination would be judged more probable than the smaller constituent, we hypothesized that first, the single conjunction (disjunction) fallacy should be more exceptionally frequent than both the zero conjunction (disjunction) fallacy and the double conjunction (disjunction) fallacy.
In any conjunction fallacy problem, the key statements have the following form, independent of whether they are likely or unlikely: (a) A; (b) A ∧ B. Suppose the statement A is called the base statement because it appears by itself in the first statement and constitutes the basis for the construction of the second statement where the statement B is added. The statement B is called the added statement. As the distance between the likelihoods of the base statement and added statement increases, the difference between the dominated dimensions also increases. Thus, if suppose people use the equate-to-differentiate model (Li 2004) to estimate probabilities, they are necessarily going to commit the conjunction fallacy since there is a distinct discrepancy between the dominated dimensions of A and A ∧ B. Notice that if the base statement and the added statement were all likely or unlikely, people rarely commit the conjunction fallacy even if they are using the equate-to-differentiate model, because there is no distinct dominated dimension in feminist bank teller than in feminist alone. Therefore, we hypothesized that second, conjunction fallacy should occur more frequently in the likelihood type of Unlikely ∧ Likely than the likelihood types of Unlikely ∧ Unlikely and Likely ∧ Likely. In fact, variations in the likelihoods of component statements have also been demonstrated to induce different conjunction fallacy (e.g., Fantino et al. 1997; Nilsson et al. 2009; Tversky and Kahneman 1983; Yates and Carlson 1986).
The first prediction was tested in Experiments 1 and 2, and the second prediction was tested in Experiment 2.