Abstract
We consider identity as a historically emerging discourse that requires genealogical analysis ― not to discover the roots of our identity but to commit [ourselves] to its dissipation (Foucault 1977, p. 162). We suggest analyzing identity through the history of socio-economic classes, their life struggles, ambitions, development, and reproduction. We see learning not as a project of transformation of identity, but rather as developing access to socially valuable practices and developing one‘s own voice within these practices (through addressing and responding to other voices). The access and voice projects free agents from unnecessary finalization and objectivization by oneself and others (Bakhtin 1999; Bakhtin 1990). In education, we should develop indigenous discourses of learning and develop a conceptual framework that makes analysis of diverse discourses possible. We argue that learning, as transformation of participation in a sociocultural practice to gain more access, is a better conceptual framework than learning as transformation of identity.
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Notes
Genealogy differs from Foucault’s archeological methodology in that the latter investigates disciplinary systems of knowledge, focusing particularly upon assertions of experts. Genealogy, by contrast, focuses upon de-essentializing ideas of such disciplines. However, Foucaultian genealogy should not be considered to be incompatible with or disconnected from archaeological methodology (Dreyfus and Rabinow 1982).
Many middle-class participants might not experience these crises as “luxuries,” but people from other classes, especially from the working class (thrown into a life of survival), might see them as a “luxury” (Lubrano, 2004). In other words, it may be a luxury for some families and communities to think of young people as having an “identity crisis” (e.g., “should I assume the identity of a doctor or a lawyer? No, let me have a psycho-social moratorium for a while!”). There is thus a collision of voices of people here from different classes.
We should point out that our analysis of “middle class,” and all classes here, are Anglo-American in their orientation and historical content.
It appears that there has been some change in the American upper class in regard to the degree to which they participate in schooling in order to transition into future schooling; for instance, upper class young adults may take achievement tests to go into elite colleges. This transformation of the upper class has been noted by sociologists; see, for instance, Brooks (2000). However, a phenomenon of “two Harvards,” (i.e., Harvard University) has been noted, the Harvard for the middle class and the Harvard for the elite, with the latter’s experience being much more about access into powerful networks (Konigsberg 2007). Furthermore, as Soares (2007) has noted, a prioritization on cultivated leadership and personal character has been more notable in U.S. elite college admissions in the standardized admissions test era than an emphasis on an “academic meritocracy.”
Despite many attempts to develop essentialist definitions, the notion of “class” in general and middle-class in specific seems to be always contested and illusive and probably depends on the purpose and the material of the analysis (Gallie, 1956; Reich, personal communication, July 28, 2003).
Benjamin Guggenheim was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the fifth of seven sons of the wealthy mining magnate Meyer Guggenheim (1828–1905) and Barbara Myers (1834–1900). He was heard to remark on the sinking Titanic, “We’ve dressed up in our best and are prepared to go down like gentlemen.” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Benjamin_Guggenheim).
We wish to note to the reader here that we do not intend to operationalize the notion of identity materialistically, as a social entity which is formed out of class, or not formed out of class. Such a discussion is of great debate in sociology (the degree to which identity is formed from class or knowledge, for example), and we wish to indicate that we see such a discussion as being out of scope of our paper. In this paper, we treat identity discursively, and are indicating the discourses in which we sense the identity discourse lives, and in which it makes sense. We sense this is a different project than understanding its material underpinnings.
Interestingly, within the “identity statements” she collected from her students in the 2000’s as part of a course assignment, a Dutch colleague found lots of examples of choice making in the narratives that are characterized by “suffering and being lost in all the options they see themselves confronted with” (M. De Haan, personal communication, December 20, 2007).
These examples show rejection of the identity discourse by some contemporary US minority youth. They probably have alternative discourses worth studying. Our hypothesis is that in some African American communities an alternative discourse to a middle-class discourse on identity exists about “signifying” (Gates, 1988). Please notice that Robert in Penuel’s study seemed to refer to this “signifying” discourse in the example above. We call for studying historically and culturally indigenous discourses about how people describe agents of deeds and the genealogy of these discourses.
As Gee (2000) wrote, “we were interested in whether and how each teenager would (or wouldn’t) accommodate to this academic identity. Of course, we fully realize that when we study identities emerging in interviews, we are, unavoidably, studying something that is co-constructed by the teen and the interviewer” (p. 415).
Apparently, in one of her comments, bell hooks articulated an ambivalence that many African-Americans express about their race, “Two things I want you to know. Number one: I want you to forget that I’m black. And number two: I don’t want you ever to forget that I’m black” (Simpson and Simpson 2007, October 18, n.p.).
This “imposed etics” is of concern not only for populations studied by social scientists, but also for the study of social scientists themselves. It seems important to take a situated perspective on social scientists as well; there are may be some communities of social science researchers for which the notion of “identity” is seen as a relevant and important concept, and others for which it may make little sense at all. This is not a relativist position, however, in that we challenge social scientists employing the notion of identity to consider the possibility of “identity” as imposed etic for the population of study.
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Acknowledgements
We are thankful to Mariette de Haan, John St. Julien, Paul Sullivan, Jay Lemke, Ellice Forman, Robert Reich, Robert Hampel, Karen Lunsford, David Labaree, and Olga Dysthe for discussion and critique of the earlier versions of the paper and its ideas and their kind support and encouragement.
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Matusov, E., Smith, M.P. The Middle-Class Nature of Identity and its Implications for Education: A Genealogical Analysis and Reevaluation of a Culturally and Historically Bounded Concept. Integr. psych. behav. 46, 274–295 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-012-9192-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12124-012-9192-0