Introduction

While there is an emerging body of research on females who engage in contact child sexual abuse offenses (see Christensen, 2018a; Cortoni et al., 2017; Darling et al., 2018) there is a dearth of literature on females who engage in child sexual abuse material (CSAM) offenses (Bickart et al., 2019; Gottfried et al., 2020). For so long, CSAM offending has been viewed as a male phenomenon (Seigfried et al., 2008). In fact, in their study on pedophilia on the internet, Frei et al. (2005, p. 492) suggested that females have an “almost complete lack of susceptibility to visual ‘erotica’”. But this no longer appears to be entirely the case. Further, the consumerism of CSAM is changing as technology expands and develops (Seigfried et al., 2008). We now know that females can play a key role in possessing, producing, and distributing CSAM (Bickart et al., 2019), and it could be for a variety of motivations.

Until a larger pool of research becomes available, this paper sets out to offer a stop gap of current research on women who engage in CSAM offenses, offering a broad understanding of this offending group. In particular, we will explore the prevalence of females who engage in CSAM, why some females might perpetrate CSAM offenses, the harms of female-perpetrated CSAM offending, and how the media portrays this offending group. With authorities noting a recent global proliferation of CSAM (Australian Centre to Counter Child Exploitation, 2019; European Union Agency for Law Enforcement Cooperation, 2020), along with the alarming research identifying over one in ten individuals accused of accessing or possessing CSAM are female (Ibrahim, 2022), this paper offers a very timely synthesis of literature and will be particularly useful for criminology, psychology, and law disciplines, globally. However, it is important not to overemphasize the current synthesis’s contribution as neither a systematic review was conducted, nor was original empirical data analyzed. That said, a synthesis still offers critical knowledge, has the ability to attain new knowledge from combinations of existing knowledge, and provides us with the opportunity to, “take stock of what we know” (Carpenter et al., 2009, p. 699).”

Prevalence of Females Who Engage in Child Sexual Abuse Material Offenses

There are inherent difficulties when it comes to identifying the prevalence of sexual perpetration and victimization, for many reasons, including the operational definitions utilized around measurement (Lussier & Cale, 2013). That said, it is still important to explore prevalence as it provides key insights into the extent and nature of sexual crimes, allowing practitioners and policymakers to potentially design and provide more effective prevention and intervention responses (Wiseman, 2015). We know that most sexual offenses are perpetrated by males, however, the proportion of female perpetration appears higher than once thought (Cortoni et al., 2017). In one study, Cortoni et al. (2017) conducted a meta-analysis to establish the proportion of sexual offenses perpetrated by females in Western countries. While police data indicated only 2.2% of offenses were perpetrated by females, victimization surveys indicated 11.6% of offenses. Similarly, while we know that most CSAM offenders are male, females appear to be engaging in CSAM more than once thought (Seigfried et al., 2008).

The Philippines is considered to be the present global epicenter of online CSAM and research on this country indicates about 87% of cases have at least one female perpetrator (International Justice Mission, 2020). It appears that these children are particularly vulnerable to being victims of exploitation including for reasons of the financial hardships their families face (Davy, 2017, 2018; Terre des Hommes, 2013). Weak laws concerning child protection are also associated with exploitation, such as live-streaming CSA, in poorer countries (Dushi, 2019). As many leads come from overseas authorities instead of local law enforcement (Brown, 2016), collaboration is an issue including the lack of harmonization in legislation, and the emergence of legal loopholes (Drejer et al., 2023). In cases of live-streaming child sexual abuse, the facilitators who organize the payment and abuse (also referred to as ‘operators’ and ‘traffickers’; Brown, 2016; Napier et al., 2021) are typically female relatives. In particular, Napier et al. (2021) found that in 24 cases, the facilitator was predominantly the victim’s mother (n = 13), the victim’s sister (n = 8), followed by a cousin (n = 2), or aunt (n = 1). However, we do acknowledge that the online exploitation of children does not only occur in developing countries that contend with barriers such as great economic adversity.

In their analysis of federal prosecution cases of commercial sexual exploitation of children in the U.S., Adams and Flynn (2017) found that female perpetrators made up only 2.9% of all commercial sexual exploitation cases. However, females comprised 6.5% of all CSAM production offenses. Interestingly, females perpetrated CSAM production offenses at a higher rate (6.5%) compared with CSAM possession/receipt/distribution offenses (0.6%). In a different study that used self-reports through an online survey, Seigfried et al. (2008) found a 2:1 ratio of males to females who engage in CSAM (15.9% males and 5.5% females). More recently, using police-reported data in Canada, Ibrahim (2022) found that while males make up the majority of individuals accused of CSAM incidents (89%), over one in ten individuals accused of accessing or possessing CSAM (11%), or distributing and making CSAM (12%), were female.

In another recent study, in which the researchers examined all sexual offenses actioned by the police in one jurisdiction of Australia over a ten-year period (N = 37,864), 12.2% of all offenses were perpetrated by females (Author 1, under review). Of the females, 84.1% were juveniles aged 10–17 years (comprising 10.2% of all offenders). Interestingly, most of the offenses perpetrated by females were CSAM offenses (74.2%) as opposed to contact offenses. These seminal findings suggest an emerging phenomenon of young females engaging in online harmful behavior (Author 1, under review). Much of this CSAM could, possibly, be the result of ‘sexting’ including the non-consensual sharing of sexual images (Author 1, under review). This proposition is consistent with Ibrahim (2022) who found young females (12–17 years of age) were responsible for most of the non-consensual distribution of images (94%), often amongst peers of a similar age. It might be that with the changing and transformative use of technology by young people (Moritz & Christensen, 2020), we are now seeing more young people being caught under CSAM legislation. Future research needs to continue to explore this emerging group of young females engaging in CSAM offenses, ultimately shaping more targeted deterrence and tailored intervention responses.

Why do some Females Perpetrate CSAM Offenses?

There is limited research on females as perpetrators of CSAM creating a gap in knowledge on female production, distribution, and use of CSAM (Elliot & Ashfield, 2011; Martellozzo et al., 2010; Ste-Marie, 2019). We cannot assume that females who perpetrate CSAM offenses and those who perpetrate contact child sexual abuse offenses are simply alike. For example, when we look at the research on male offenders, there are disparities across those who perpetrate contact, online, and mixed (contact and online) offenses (Babchishin et al., 2015; Lee et al., 2012). The extent to how much females who engage in CSAM offenses resemble their contact counterparts is unknown and it is important to understand the specific motivators that may lead females to commit CSAM offenses to ensure effective responses (Bickart et al., 2019). Of the limited research available, there appears to be a number of reasons why females may engage in CSAM offending, including: the influence of co-offenders, prior victimization, mental health, opportunity, and sexual motivation.

The Influence of Co-offenders

There are a number of studies researching the presence of co-offenders for females who engage in CSAM, with some research demonstrating that co-offending by a male partner may be an influential factor. Bickart et al. (2019) conducted a study of females sentenced for a CSAM crime (N = 98) and determined that two-thirds committed an offense in association with a male co-offender (N = 54, 77%). Most females committed the offense of production of CSAM with a large number involving a male co-offender, whereas the majority of females who collected CSAM did so as a single offender, using the material for their own private viewing (Bickart et al., 2019). Bickart et al. (2019) concluded that it is unclear whether these partnerships involved coercion, indicating that further research is necessary to explore the role of coercion in female CSAM offenses.

Whilst exploring the U.S. Department of Justice National Incident Based Reporting System data for 1997–2000 on 2,469 CSAM incidents, Finkelhor and Ormrod (2004) found that 45% of female CSAM perpetrators offended with a male partner. This is supported by Martellozzo et al. (2010) who provided an account of an interview with a criminal prosecutor who stated “In the cases of online abuse I have dealt with there’s usually a male somewhere in the background. They (female) usually have a male accomplice or a male instigator who is encouraging them or participating with them. It is very rare that I come across a lone female acting without any relationship with or without any involvement of a male” (p. 600). A study by Salter et al. (2021) of CSAM production and distribution from 2009 to 2019 (N = 82) also supported the notion of co-offending of female CSAM offenders with a male partner. The study found that while 72% of cases involved a single male offender, only 10% comprised a single female offender, yet 18% of cases comprised both a male and female offender (Salter et al., 2021).

We acknowledge that co-offending is not synonymous with coercion. As Ford (2006) proposes, the perception that females engage in sexual offending due to coercion, typically by a male partner, portrays the females as victims and ignores the fact that some females choose to engage in sexual offending behavior. Professionals working in the community response and justice sector noted that while some females who perpetrate sexual offenses against children can be coerced by a partner, other females can willingly offend with a partner (Christensen, 2018b). In fact, one professional believed some females intentionally co-offend with males so their responsibility can be downplayed by suggesting they were under the control of an “abusive” partner. This professional stated, “What better way than to distance yourself from your own behavior than to bring somebody else into the mix, bring a male into the mix, that you can actually manipulate and then when you are caught, or if you are caught, go “do not look at me, look at him … I was manipulated by him because he is big and strong and he threatened me” … it is strategic, it is so smart, and it is so manipulative” (Christensen, 2018b, p.8). Overall, females can play a significant and essential role in CSAM offending, with many doing so through partnerships with males. However, as evidenced, further research on the types of partnerships (e.g., coercive, willing, and manipulative) is required. Etiological trajectories could be identified from such research, and thereby, could assist with clinical interventions.

Prior Victimization

Prior victimization, including the impacts of childhood sexual abuse and sexual violence as an adult, may also be associated with the commission of CSAM offenses by females. Researchers have reported childhood sexual abuse rates to be between 50% and 80% for this offending group (Cortoni, 2018; Johansson-Love & Fremouw, 2006), in addition to high rates of rape in adulthood (Levenson et al., 2015). Bickart et al. (2019) found that 42.9 and 11.2% of females who were incarcerated for CSAM crimes were subject to sexual abuse in childhood only and adulthood only, respectively, whereas 10.2 and 24.5% were subject to physical abuse in childhood only and adulthood only, respectively (Bickart et al., 2019). Such histories are supported by a study of females who perpetrated online offenses, in which Martellozzo et al. (2010) found eleven subjects out of eighteen had long histories of poor and abusive relationships.

Levenson et al. (2015) state that adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) may be a contributing factor in sexual offending behaviors. Greenfeld and Snell (2000) conducted a national examination of hundreds of thousands of female U.S. probationers and prisoners and found that 44% reported physical or sexual assault, with 69% reporting that the assault had occurred before age 18. Levenson et al. (2015) propose that “the cumulative stress of childhood adversity leads to social, emotional, and cognitive impairment, and traumatized individuals often adopt high-risk behaviors as part of a continuum of maladaptive coping strategies” (p. 263). These females had more than three times the odds of having been sexually abused as a child than women in the general population, and they also had higher rates of having been sexually abused than males who had perpetrated sexual offenses (Levenson et al., 2015). This is supported by a study conducted by Levenson et al. (2016) (N = 47) which demonstrated that females who perpetrate sexual offenses experience a higher level of ACEs than females who perpetrate non-sexual offenses and females in the general population, with 41% of females who perpetrate sexual offenses reporting four or more ACEs compared to 15% in the general female population, although it is important to note that only one participant had perpetrated a CSAM offense.

Researchers have acknowledged the importance of understanding how female’s histories of trauma and abuse may increase the likelihood of participating in CSAM crimes, to ensure effective responses (Bickart et al., 2019; Martellozzo et al., 2010). Topitzes et al. (2011) suggest that responses to females who perpetrate sexual offenses should focus on maltreatment history and that service delivery should target the effects of childhood trauma, taking a Trauma Informed Care approach. This is supported by Levenson et al. (2015) who state that ACEs may lead to a range of interpersonal problems and maladaptive coping skills, and it is important for clinicians to implement strategies to interrupt the cycle of abuse by all sexual perpetrators. However, Levenson et al. (2015) also acknowledge that further research is needed on the effectiveness of the role of Trauma Informed Care in improving the effectiveness of sex offender treatment as well as the relationship between ACEs and females who perpetrate sexual offenses.

Mental Health

Similar to prior victimization, research also suggests mental health could be associated with CSAM offending. Bickart et al. (2019) found that a large percentage of females had a history of involvement with mental health services and reported prior self-harm and suicide attempts as well as substance abuse. In Bickert et al.’s (2019) study (N = 98), 47% of subjects (N = 46) had been subject to outpatient mental health treatment prior to incarceration and 15% (N = 15) had a history of inpatient mental health treatment prior to incarceration. Additionally, 24 of the women (25%) had been previously diagnosed with psychotic disorder and 34 of the women (35%) had been diagnosed with mood or anxiety disorder (Bickert et al., 2019).

Seigfried-Spellar and Rogers (2010) conducted a study (N = 10) on whether there were personality and psychological differences between females who did and did not perpetrate CSAM offenses. Females who perpetrated CSAM offenses were found to have low scores on neuroticism and high scores on hedonistic moral choice (Seigfried-Spellar & Rogers, 2010). As production, distribution, and use of CSAM are illegal, Seigfried-Spellar and Rogers (2010) state that females with low neuroticism may emotionally disengage from their offending behavior due to not feeling anxious, worried, or guilty. Additionally, female perpetrators may engage in the crime because of the pleasure it produces, and the perceived safety provided by the internet (Seigfried-Spellar & Rogers, 2010). Further research is essential to determine the most effective clinical services for females who perpetrate CSAM, particularly in relation to histories of mental health issues (Bickart et al., 2019) as empirical data is needed to inform the practice of professionals in the delivery of Trauma Informed Care (Levenson et al., 2015).

Opportunity

Opportunity may also be a contributing factor to the commission of CSAM crimes by female offenders, aligning with elements of routine activity theory. Routine activity theory proposes that crime occurs when a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of a capable guardian converge in space and time (Cohen & Felson, 1979). Given the mostly unregulated nature of the internet, it offers conditions – both opportunity and lacking supervision – for those motivated offenders to download and disseminate CSAM (Babchishin et al., 2015). We know that females who engage in CSAM production offenses are most often the victim’s mother (Bickart et al., 2019; Christensen, 2023). Therefore, a motivated offender’s opportunity to offend due to lack of guardianship and the presence of a suitable target (their children) may contribute to CSAM, particularly production offenses, by females (Christensen, 2023). This is in line with Martellozzo et al. (2010) who suggested that with women’s access to their children, and given they are often the primary caregiver with the gendered nature of child-rearing, there is an opportunity present for committing CSAM. This emerging research suggests the need to look further than psychological motivations, and also consider the role of situational influences. Further research into routine activity theory would be useful to review the motivation of individuals who perpetrate sexual offenses both in the physical world and in the virtual world to assist law enforcement in their capacity – as capable guardians – to prevent child sexual offenses from occurring (Navarro & Jasinski, 2015).

Sexual Motivation

Sexual motivation in CSAM offending appears to be present amongst male offenders, however, there is less agreement on whether sexual deviance is a contributing factor to females committing CSAM offenses (Cortini, 2018). Cortoni (2018) states that there is limited research on whether females are driven to child sex offending out of deviant sexual interests. Lambert and O’Halloran’s (2008) analysis of a female pro-pedophilia website demonstrated that females can use the internet to validate their sexual interest in children. The study also provided an analysis of the use of cognitive distortions by females, suggesting that these cognitive distortions were similar to reported cognitive distortions by male offenders, and may lead to offending in order to express a fantasy (Lambert & O’Halloran, 2008). Lambert and O’Halloran (2008) noted clear sexual motivation, with the majority of contributors admitting to a sexual interest in children, however, the study did not specifically discuss the viewing of CSAM by females and appeared to focus more on online interaction with children.

While acknowledging females who perpetrate CSAM offenses may not be the same as their contact offending counterparts, if we draw from the broader literature on females who perpetrate sexual offenses, there appears to be great diversity in motivations. Professionals who work in the justice and community response sector acknowledge that reasons for offending do concern sexual motivation, including pleasure and sexual interest in children. To quote one professional who had interviewed a female perpetrator, “She was aroused, that was the first thing, because she was talking about her offending, how could she not be? It is what she gets off on. I mean, it is not going to be any different to when you talk to a male sex offender about his offending and you can see them and you will watch their face, and you will watch their body language … she was exactly the same as any male sex offender” (Christensen, 2018b, p.7). These professionals commented that they had dealt with many cases that spanned from mothers masturbating while seeing their child being sexually abused by others through to perpetrating sadistic abuse on children, making the point that there is not “one-type” of offender (Christensen, 2018b). It is, therefore, not unreasonable to suggest that females who engage in CSAM offending have heterogeneity in their motivations for offending, with sexual motivation requiring further focus in future research.

What are the Harms of Female-perpetrated CSAM Offending?

There has been a perpetual notion that female-perpetrated sexual abuse is less harmful than abuse perpetrated by males (Tsopelas et al., 2012). For decades, due to ingrained traditional sex scripts, females were perceived as harmless and innocent (Boroughs, 2004; Denov, 2004). Such long-held perceptions of females are problematic because they prevent victims from notifying others, including authorities, given that victims feel they do not align with the stereotype and therefore, sacrifice the intervention and support they deserve (Christensen, 2018a). Concerningly, research has identified contributors on a female pro-pedophilia website noted that females have benefited as abusers and manipulating situations given the public’s lack of suspicion of females perpetrating sexual abuse (Lambert & O’Halloran, 2008).

Through research, we now know that females who perpetrate sexual abuse can inflict abuse that is just as psychologically and physically damaging as abuse perpetrated by men (Christensen, 2018b). However, very little is still known about the harms of female-perpetrated CSAM offending, particularly in relation to the production of CSAM. There is no question that children abused in the production of CSAM endure significant negative effects. In addition to the immediate physical effects of the abuse, they are also prone to the emotional pain that follows long into the future (Leary, 2007). These victims also need to contend with the additional element of permanency; with these files circulating on the internet indefinitely (Beech et al., 2008; Christensen & Tsagaris, 2020). Salter et al.’s (2021) study identified impacts on victims, along with non-offending family members, as a result of CSAM distribution and/or production. These impacts included self-blame, grief, loss (i.e., of one’s childhood and loss of the offending parent), trauma, and mistrust.

It is important to reiterate that research suggests that females who engage in CSAM offenses are often the child’s mother. For example, Bickart et al. (2019) found almost three-quarters (71%) of cases involved the victim’s mother. In a different study, Christensen (2023) found all known victim-offender relationship cases involved the victim’s mother, aside from four cases that involved a female relative (e.g., sister, grandmother). This highlights the highly entwined relationship between the offender and victim. When exploring the research on the long-term effects of sexual abuse more generally, including abuse perpetrated by females, the impacts are extensive and include issues with self-injury, substances, suicide, rage, depression, hindered relationships with females, identity issues and self-concept, and discomfort with sexual intercourse (Denov, 2004). While some impacts of CSAM perpetrated by females have been documented, it is evident that more research is required in this field, including the long-term impacts.

How are Females Who Engage in CSAM Offenses Portrayed in the Media?

The media is one of the main sources of information that the public retrieves their information concerning sexual offending (Malinen et al., 2013). It is crucial to explore the representations of females in the media given that the mass media has the ability to shape public perceptions (Cole & Daniel, 2005), form and reinforce gender roles (Meyers, 1996), and influence how the public responds to violence committed by females (Berrington & Honkatukia, 2002). Furthermore, the media has the ability to indirectly thwart or accelerate policies (Berkeley Media Studies Group, 2003) which could potentially relate to these offenders being detected as well as their possible treatment (Thakker, 2012).

To date, only five studies have explored the media representation of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse in the print media (Chiotti, 2009; Christensen, 2018a, 2018b; Hayes & Baker, 2014; Landor, 2009; Landor & Eisenchlas, 2012). Most of these studies utilized qualitative content analysis to explore the textual representations and found the media often portrayed females distinctly differently in the media from men; females were depicted with undertones of mitigation, vulnerability, sympathy, and romanticism compared with males who were represented with disgust, or depicted as predatory, evil, or pedophiles (Chiotti, 2009; Hayes & Baker, 2014; Landor, 2009; Landor & Eisenchlas, 2012). Such misconstruction of females in media depictions is problematic as victims may be disinclined to report the offenses (Hayes & Baker, 2014) and, in turn, marginalize the victims of such offenses (Hetherton, 1999). In the most recent of these studies, Christensen (2018a) identified a shift in the reporting of female contact offenders, with them being portrayed as dangerous and accountable for their offending, indicating a potential step forward in how these cases are reported.

Only two studies have explored the media depictions of females who perpetrate CSAM offenses. Similarly, these two studies utilized qualitative content analysis. Using Canadian newspapers, Ste-Marie (2019) found these females were represented as victims of circumstance or doubly deviant. In terms of victims of circumstance – females who are capable of offending but impacted by current and past victimization – these females were depicted as a ‘mad’ female offender, a drug and alcohol abuser, a ‘sexualized’ female offender, and a coerced female offender. Regarding doubly deviant offenders – not conforming to being the ‘normal’ woman – these females were portrayed as a threat to ideal womanhood, a threat to ideal motherhood, the ‘masculinized’ female offender, the ‘lesbian’ female offender, and the ‘dehumanized’ female offender. Ste-Marie (2019) concluded these female offenders are depicted as a unique and heterogeneous group in the media, due to the nature and novelty of the offense.

In a different study that explored newspaper articles reporting on CSAM perpetrated by females, Christensen (2023) noted some promising findings. First, the cases were reported factually in comparison with emotively regardless of how close the relationship was between the victim and offender. Second, in cases where females co-offended, females were still portrayed as actively involved in the offending, as opposed to being passive. This is in contrast to earlier depictions of female contact offenders being portrayed as passive in comparison to their male co-offenders (Hayes & Baker, 2014). While these findings are positive, Christensen (2023) did however note a potentially problematic finding; that the article headings did not indicate females, including mothers, engage in CSAM offending when, in fact, all articles involved females and many included mothers. Christensen (2023) argued the offender’s gender could be presented factually (not vindictively) in the heading, providing more salience to the issue, given the invisibility of the topic. Overall, due to the promising developments in the media representations of this offending group, it might not only be beneficial to victims – potentially enhancing their likelihood of disclosing the abuse – but might also improve the public and professionals’ responses to these victims (Christensen & Jansen, 2019).

Conclusion

While there is an emerging body of research on females who engage in contact child sexual abuse offenses (see Christensen, 2018a; Cortoni et al., 2017; Darling et al., 2018) there is a dearth of literature on females who engage in child sexual abuse material (CSAM) offenses (Bickart et al., 2019; Gottfried et al., 2020). This paper aimed to offer a stop gap of current research on females who engage in CSAM offenses. We acknowledge a key limitation of the current paper being that it did not provide a systematic review. As there is currently no established method in the literature for utilizing rigorous approaches for conducting non-systematic reviews we recognize that the paper does not offer a fully comprehensive assessment of the current knowledge base as might be seen in a systematic review utilizing formal methods (Dicks et al., 2017). However, we argue that given the field is still in the embryonic stages, it is too premature for this level of review to be conducted. We are eager to conduct a systematic review, as future work, once more research is available. We also acknowledge that the current paper does not explore original empirical data, which could have contributed significant knowledge. However, given the dearth of research, we wanted to first document the current key insights in the field, so we could formulate a clear pathway forward for future research. Along with these suggestions for future research, the current synthesis progresses this underdeveloped field, offering a beneficial and timely resource by exploring the prevalence of females who engage in CSAM, why some females might perpetrate CSAM offenses (including co-offending, prior victimization, mental health, opportunity, and sexual motivation), the harms of female-perpetrated CSAM offending, and how the media portrays this offending group. This paper should be useful for various disciplines, globally, interested in better understanding CSAM offenses perpetrated by females.