Introduction

Most social media platforms have the capability for live-streaming, which includes video call software (Drejer et al., 2023). Originally, web cameras were required for live-streaming but due to developments in technology, anything can be live-streamed with a network connection and a camera such as mobile phones, cameras on computers, professional cameras, right through to the ‘internet of things’ such as drones, glasses, and watches (Drejer et al., 2023). Over recent years, from a user perspective, live-streaming has improved in video quality, greater accessibility, and fewer delays (Drejer et al., 2023). However, live-streaming has a very dark side, such as the live-streaming of child sexual abuse (CSA). As technology continues to develop, the live-streaming of CSA has the potential to, therefore, proliferate.

While the distribution of child sexual abuse material (CSAM) has been around for decades predating the internet, the live-streaming of CSA is considered a new form of exploitation (Malby et al., 2015). It is difficult to ascertain when live-streaming of CSA commenced, however, live-streaming platforms have been available to the public since the early 2000s (Brown et al., 2020), suggesting its presence since this time. Despite its somewhat recent emergence, the live-streaming of CSA appears to be common (Napier et al., 2021a) with reports of a sharp rise in this type of offending (Hernandez et al., 2018). In fact, the live-streaming of CSA is considered by the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF, 2018) to be an established form of abuse of serious concern, with high global demand (Terre des Hommes, 2013a).

Despite its proliferation, we do not know much about this form of abusive behavior. In fact, there is a lack of empirical research on the characteristics of offenses, offenders, and victims (Napier et al., 2021a). This is problematic when Europol (2016) has identified the live-streaming of CSA as a key threat in the area of child sexual exploitation. The dearth of literature means there is limited understanding of this type of offending (Cubitt et al., 2021). Most of the research in the CSAM field has focused on passive platforms, such as websites, that distribute CSAM. There is limited research exploring active platforms that transmit the material through live-streaming. Given this area of research is only in the early stages of gathering data and knowledge (Drejer et al., 2023), the current paper offers a stop gap of current research on CSA live-streaming, including: where geographically CSA live-streaming appears to mostly occur; the technological and legal barriers in detecting and prosecuting the behavior; what we know about viewers; what we know about facilitators; and the victims of CSA live-streaming and the impact of the abuse on the victims. We do not want to overstate the contribution of the current synthesis of literature as it does not offer a systematic review given the dearth of research in the field, however, it still offers critical knowledge for psychology, criminology, and law disciplines. In particular, a synthesis allows us to, “take stock of what we know” and has the potential to yield new knowledge based on combinations of existing information (Carpenter et al., 2009, p. 699).

What is CSA Live-Streaming?

Live-streaming involves broadcasting the sexual abuse of children in real time over a webcam to individuals in any geographical location (End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism [ECPAT] International, 2017a). The key difference between CSAM distribution and the live-streaming of CSA is the ‘real time’ aspect (Brown et al., 2020). The live-streaming of CSA is a form of human trafficking (Child Rescue Coalition, 2023). Human trafficking is defined by several conventions and is generally composed of three components: act, means, and intent (United Nations, 2000). The act refers to what is done (e.g., recruiting); the means refers to how the act is done (e.g., deception, force, threat); and intent is why it is done (e.g., profit, sexual exploitation) (United Nations, 2000). The live-streaming of CSA has also been referred to as ‘webcam child sex abuse’, ‘child sexual abuse to order’, ‘webcam child prostitution’, ‘webcam child sex tourism’, and ‘live-distance child abuse’ (Açar, 2017; AUSTRAC, 2019; Dushi, 2019; Masri, 2015; Terre des Hommes, 2013a).

The viewer (‘hands-off’ offender) typically gains access through facilitators or intermediaries (ECPAT International, 2017b). A time and date are agreed on between the viewer and facilitator, along with a price (ECPAT International, 2017b). The ‘show’ is often organized by a facilitator in a private place where children are made to follow instructions from the remote viewer to perform sexual acts (Hernandez et al., 2018). These requests typically occur prior to, or during, the live-streaming (Brown et al., 2020), with the viewer potentially directing and orchestrating the offending in real time (Europol, 2019). The child may engage in sexual acts by themselves, or the abuse might involve other children or adults (ECPAT International, 2017a). The viewer pays the facilitator through some form of a wire transfer or, more recently, Bitcoins or other online money transfer sites (Hernandez et al., 2018). The price is typically determined by the age and number of children involved, the length of the ‘show’, and the sexual acts involved (Terre des Hommes, 2013a). In some instances, the live-streaming is even recorded and disseminated online to generate maximum profit (Malby et al., 2015), therefore contributing to the pool of CSAM available globally.

Where Geographically Does CSA Live-Streaming Appear to Mostly Occur?

Data on human trafficking for child sexual exploitation, in general, is unreliable which means that quantifying the extent of any form of child sexual exploitation, including the live-streaming of CSA, is very difficult (Chan, 2010; Davy, 2018; International Justice Mission [IJM], 2013; Kaneti, 2011; Morrish, 2011). While the Philippine Government is making significant efforts to improve the policy, legal, and institutional framework with the view of protecting children against the many forms of sexual abuse, exploitation, and sale of children (United Nations, 2022), the Philippines is considered a main global source of CSAM (Hernandez et al., 2018) and the center for the live-streaming of CSA (ECPAT International, 2017a; Europol, 2019). Some factors related to this are the country’s inequality and poverty, high levels of internet connectivity, and proficiency in English (Kuhlmann & Aurén, 2015). However, Kuhlmann and Aurén (2015) acknowledge that these factors are not completely different from other regions (e.g., poverty and inequality are also found in other regions and therefore cannot be the sole reason).

Children who are forced into performing for live-streams are often coerced into exploitation because of their desperate family financial circumstances (Beazley, 2015; Brown, 2016; Davy, 2017, 2018; Kuhlmann & Aurén, 2015; Terre des Hommes, 2013a, 2013b). That is, when the level of poverty is very high, some parents may resort to prostituting their children (Dushi, 2019). In the Philippines, it was estimated that in 2021, 26.14 million Filipinos were living below the poverty line (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2021), therefore placing children from these families at risk of exploitation. In case studies presented by Brown (2016), it was found that children were asked by parents to perform these acts with the parents claiming that this was not sexual abuse as there was no touching involved (indicating parents were not aware that they were violating the law). This is in contrast to Kuhlmann and Aurén (2015) whose research suggested that parents understood the criminal nature of CSA live-streaming and the legal implications. Some families see the live-streaming of CSA as an easy way to make money and this is often the family’s major source of income (Kuhlmann & Aurén, 2015; Terre des Hommes, 2013a).

It has also been determined that cultural factors can lead to children feeling they have a duty to contribute to their family income which can in turn lead to exploitation (Beazley, 2015; Davy, 2017, 2018; Huijsmans, 2008; Terre des Hommes, 2013b). When considering this issue, it is important to understand the impact of the financial gains exploitation can have on the welfare of the family (Beazley, 2015). A child’s early entry into the workforce is commonly a result of poverty however elements of cultural practice also need to be considered, including the regional social construction of childhood, especially among the poor (Beazley, 2015). In 2006, India banned the employment of children under the age of 14 as domestic workers or in related work, however, there was criticism that this would result in half a million children being out of work, and were deemed at risk of exploitation due to the necessity to assist with providing the family income (Bourdillon, 2009).

It is acknowledged that in Southeast Asia, families experiencing financial hardships do not regard children as dependents. The children are expected to work and supplement the family income, rather than being protected from the difficult economic conditions their parents face (Beazley, 2015; Bourdillon, 2009; Terre des Hommes, 2013b). Children experiencing poverty have fewer opportunities to generate income or economic security, placing them in jeopardy of entering into high-risk arrangements or agreements, increasing their vulnerability to child sexual exploitation (Apland & Yarrow, 2019; Brown, 2016; Davy, 2017; Terre des Hommes, 2013b).

However, we recognize that not all live-streaming cases occur only in developing countries facing great economic hardship. For example, in the United States, a mother was jailed for two and a half years, for making her 10-year-old daughter pose nude for a stranger over a webcam (Seales, 2012). In a different case, a 33-year-old woman from the United Kingdom received a six-year sentence after live-streaming herself sexually abusing a young girl, along with other related offenses (Menendez, 2019). While there does appear to be an element of financial gain for these cases, these occurrences show that this issue is not exclusively limited to developing countries.

Technological and Legal Barriers in Detecting and Prosecuting the Live-Streaming of CSA

The technological and legal barriers associated with detecting and prosecuting the live-streaming of CSA have been noted (Açar, 2017). First, in terms of technological barriers, live-streaming is considered to present great challenges to law enforcement (Açar, 2017; Christensen et al., 2015; ECPAT International, 2017a), with it being difficult to disrupt and detect (Cubitt, 2023). Particularly with end-to-end encryption and mostly anonymous payment systems (Europol, 2016), the surveillance of transferred content is impeded. In some situations, there is no evidence sexual crimes via live-streaming have even occurred (Christensen et al., 2015), aside from call times and some money transfers (ECPAT International, 2018). Live-streaming platforms typically involve usage policies that outline the acceptable uses of the streaming platform, but it is an almost impossible task to regulate content that is occurring in real time (Horsman, 2018a). As such, content that breaches the terms and conditions can still occur on such platforms (Horsman, 2018a).

Further to this crime being a financially enabled crime type it is also a technologically enabled crime type (Cubitt et al., 2021; Europol, 2019). New technologies have enabled the live-streaming of this abuse (Cubitt et al., 2021). Due to the ever-emergent applications and programs, law enforcement will not always have the technology to identify and prosecute these crimes (Christensen et al., 2015). While these offenses have certain characteristics – payments sent to weaker countries, small amounts of money, and the use of remittance services – individually, these are not a strong sign that live-streaming has taken place (Napier et al., 2021a). Further, the emergence of various types of finance has resulted in difficulties policing this crime (WeProtect Global Alliance, 2019), with Europol (2016) noting they expect to see an increase in anonymous payment systems. However, there is the potential for questionable transactions to be flagged when using sophisticated techniques such as machine learning (Napier et al., 2021a).

In addition to the difficulty in being able to detect the abuse from the outside (e.g., for law enforcement) given it is occurring in a secured environment that often involves an encrypted connection, it is also difficult to find concrete evidence of the live case (Drejer et al., 2023). However, one way to investigate the content is by reviewing cached content on the devices (as viewing the live-stream results in cached content), and rebuilding from the cached stream (Drejer et al., 2023; Horsman, 2018b, 2019). Further to the cached content, browsing history also needs to be considered to allow for proper investigations (Drejer et al., 2023). However, modern browsers now have the option of “private mode” which poses a barrier, with evidence being automatically deleted or not accessible (Drejer et al., 2023). There have also been additional security features added by companies (Açar, 2017) given the privacy concerns of consumers (Rainie & Madden, 2015). While several futuristic methods of detection have been proposed (see Açar, 2017), there is still a long and rough way to go in being able to deter and detect possible offenders (Açar, 2017). In short, there are currently great technical complexities that make it difficult to use a general and lawful interception regime (Açar, 2017), along with challenges in creating rules, legislation, and laws that balance the principles of privacy (Drejer et al., 2023).

There are several legal limitations associated with prosecuting the live-streaming of CSA. First, this form of CSA is not criminalized explicitly in international legal frameworks on the topic of sexual exploitation (ECPAT International, 2017b). Weak laws in poorer countries pertaining to child protection is also another factor driving the live-streaming (Dushi, 2019). Most of the leads come from law enforcement agencies overseas, as opposed to local leads (Brown, 2016), and cross-border collaboration is an issue with the diverging legal terms and definitions (Drejer et al., 2023). Or other complexities can emerge. For example, Johnson et al. (2020) identified that the Cambodian legislation is largely based on the Law on Suppression of Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation, thereby meeting international standards, however, there is no strong direction on which instrument (e.g., royal decrees, sub-decrees, Prakas (guidelines/regulations), decisions, policies, guidelines, minimum standard) takes precedence when they are in conflict.

The lack of harmonization in addressing live-streaming can result in legal loopholes (Drejer et al., 2023). Greater collaboration between law enforcement and industry is required when it comes to disrupting CSAM, including live-streaming, given the array of services and platforms used (Edwards et al., 2021). As Edwards et al. (2021, p. 12) state, “no organisation, whether technical or law enforcement, can operate in isolation.” There is limited prevention, with some suggesting governments have not done enough to detect and prosecute offenders (Dushi, 2019). The individual offense of live-streaming CSA does not appear to be captured adequately in legislation (Dushi, 2019). If live-streaming is detected, it is typically the other offenses that take place alongside the live-streaming that are criminalized (e.g., CSA, child prostitution, and CSAM offenses) instead of the live-streaming in and of itself (Dushi, 2019). There have been calls for harmonized legislation at a global level to improve multijurisdictional investigations, particularly as these crimes are cross-border in nature (ECPAT International, 2020). Without such legislation, “safe havens” will continue in those countries that have more relaxed legislation (ECPAT International, 2020).

What do We Know About the Viewers?

There is a paucity of research on the characteristics of these offenders (Cubitt et al., 2021). CSA live-streaming viewers appear to be a homogenous group (Cubitt et al., 2023). While victims are often (but not exclusively) from developing countries, these ‘hands-off’ offenders, or ‘customers’, are typically from developed countries (ECPAT International, 2020). Research by IJM (2020) found that of the offenders using live-streaming, 34% were from the United States, 25% from Sweden, and 18% from Australia. Offenders were also located in Canada, Ireland, Israel, the Netherlands, Norway, and the United Kingdom (IJM, 2020).

In a study that utilized financial transaction data, Brown et al. (2020) found individuals who purchased live-streaming had an average age of 54 years at the time of purchase, with two-thirds aged between 50 and 69 years (youngest = 20 years, oldest = 76 years). This age differs significantly from CSAM offenders (late thirties or early forties; Babchishin et al., 2011; Christensen & Tsagaris, 2020) and individuals who perpetrate contact sexual offenses (average age of 43.6 years; Babchishin et al., 2011). This indicates that CSA live-streaming offenders are an older cohort than CSAM offenders and contact offenders which could have implications for prevention strategies and responses.

Brown et al. (2020) also found most offenders had no criminal history (55%), while the others had a sexual offense history against children (6.6%), adults/unspecified victims (5.5%), or other offenses (44.5%). Compared with the other two groups (no criminal history and other offenses), those with a sexual offending history were significantly more likely to have made multiple transactions (Brown et al., 2020). Occupations varied, with some occupations including aged care worker, accountant, tradesperson, architect, and computer technician, with one individual classifying themselves as a housewife (Brown et al., 2020). In their analysis of the characteristics of 209 individuals who engaged in the live-streaming of CSA, Cubitt et al. (2023) found most offenders exclusively engaged in this type of offending, with most of the sample having little to no criminal history. Only a small subgroup committed violent and contact sexual offenses. Aside from this subgroup, CSA live-streaming offenders appear to be specialists in the victimization of children online (Cubitt et al., 2023).

We know that the internet allows for a criminogenic environment, with it deemed a ‘Triple-A Engine’; accessible, affordable, and anonymous (Cooper, 1998). This is seen in the live-streaming of CSA, with it considered to be cheap, easy to access, and less risky compared with traditional forms of child prostitution (Dushi, 2019). Therefore, live-streaming may be appealing to viewers in developed countries, as not only is it low cost, but the offender surpasses the risk of sexually abusing the children in a physical way (Brown et al., 2020) and has the anonymity of end-to-end encryption. But there might come a point where the offender ends up escalating in their offending behavior. Until recently, it was unknown whether these individuals who engage in CSA live-streaming escalate in offending over time (Brown et al., 2020). However, Brown et al. (2020) found evidence for potential escalation; as the number of transactions increased, the average time between transactions decreased. They also found the median price offenders paid for services increased by the number of transactions. That is, they found escalation in the amounts paid and frequency of CSA live-streaming (Brown et al., 2020). Cubitt et al. (2021) similarly found CSA live-streaming transactions were about twice as often and closer together for the high-volume offenders compared with low-volume offenders.

Further to the escalation of CSA live-streaming in and of itself, there may be the potential for the offender to escalate to other types of related offenses. This is a reasonable proposition when studies on CSAM offenders have found some individuals escalate in their offending to contact offenses. For example, Quayle and Taylor (2003) found contact offending to be an extension of CSAM offending. In a different study that applied Ward and Siegert’s (2002) pathways model to sexual offending, the researchers found some offenders who had engaged in penetrative offenses against children had engaged in CSAM offending before turning to contact offending (Osbourne & Christensen, 2020). Christensen and colleagues (2021) even argue that those who commence masturbating to virtual CSAM (e.g., drawings, cartoons, animations of child sexual abuse) have the potential to escalate to CSAM material (i.e., involving real children) and even possibly act out sexual drives on children (i.e., contact offending). This might be due to desensitization; these offenders wanting to experience their initial level of sexual gratification when they first started to engage with the virtual material (Christensen et al., 2021). As Cubitt et al. (2021) recommend, there is a benefit to exploring the possible link between contact sexual offending and those offenders who engage in high-volume CSA live-streaming.

What do We Know About Facilitators?

Facilitators are also known as ‘traffickers’ and ‘operators’ and are the individuals that organize the abuse and payment (Brown, 2016; Napier et al., 2021b). According to Terre des Hommes (2013b) the operators are responsible for communicating with foreign online clients as well as recruiting and finding children for the webcam sex shows. They often operate the webcam and may instruct victims on how to act in front of the camera (Terre des Hommes, 2013b). There appear to be different types of facilitators: individual operations which occur in private residences or internet cafes; family run operations involving parents or other family members who coerce their children to perform webcam sex shows; and webcam child sex tourism dens where children are either hired or trafficked and kept against their will to perform webcam sex shows (Terre des Hommes, 2013b). It must be acknowledged that one impact of COVID-19 has been the increase in CSA live-streaming (ECPAT International, 2021). Border closures, restrictions, and closures of hotels and entertainment venues have forced facilitators to move to online child sexual exploitation (ECPAT International, 2021), where such locations may have previously been used for people to travel to and sexually abuse the child themselves.

Offenders often form relationships with adults, either online or whilst traveling which then may lead to these adults facilitating live-streaming offenses (Napier et al., 2021b). Alternatively, offenders often ‘spam’ multiple individuals on social networking sites which may lead to these individuals acting as operators of CSA live-streaming offenses (DeHart et al., 2017; Kuhlmann & Aurén, 2015; Napier et al., 2021b). In their study of the characteristics of CSA live-streaming offenders and offenses, Napier et al. (2021b) found facilitators were mostly female and, of known cases, the median age was 20 years. Almost 90% of facilitators were relatives. They were predominantly the victim’s mother, followed by other relatives (i.e., sister, cousin, aunt). Research by Terre des Hommes (2013a) supports these figures stating that a family member or someone known to the children is often responsible for forcing them into webcam sex, and the adults are often the ones to initiate contact with the online foreign offenders. As further research emerges on this offending group, there is the potential for law enforcement and other organisations to look at ways to detect and disrupt these facilitators.

Who are the Victims of CSA Live-Streaming and What is the Impact on These Victims?

Few studies have explored victim demographics of CSA live-streaming. One study that reviewed 2,082 files (videos and images) captured from live-streaming found most victims were on their own (96%) and aged 13 and under (98%) with 69% of the imagery depicting children aged between 11 and 13 years of age (IWF, 2018). Alarmingly, 40% were at the greatest levels of abuse severity (Category A or B), with 18% involved in the most serious sexual abuse (Category A; IWF, 2018). Category A involved bestiality, sadism, and penetrative sexual activity (IWF, 2018). Most of the material (96%) depicted one or more girls, as opposed to one or more boys (3%). In only 1% of cases the imagery included two or more children of both genders. This research particularly highlights the gendered nature of the victims involved in live-streaming.

While the IWF (2018) found most victims were aged 13 and under, a study conducted by Terre des Hommes (2013b) found the average age for victims of CSA live-streaming was 16 years old. One reason for this finding could be the time period and the changing landscape of CSA live-streaming with the IWF data covering a more recent period (data from 2017) compared with the Terre des Hommes’ data (data from 2012). However, the exact reason for this is unknown, and highlights the need for further research. Terre des Hommes (2013b) found these victims had the highest education level of grade seven, which was significantly lower than children not involved in CSA live-streaming. Additionally, 53% of children who were victims of CSA live-streaming were from broken homes, with the recurring theme of lack of financial security, and were likely to be victims of physical and emotional abuse (Terre des Hommes, 2013b). The dearth of literature on victims of CSA live-streaming underlines the need for further research in this area. Learning more about the victims will not only assist law enforcement but can also contribute to primary prevention efforts such as tailored awareness-raising initiatives amongst children.

There is a perception amongst parents who coerce their children into participating in live-streaming CSA that their children are not at risk or are not likely to experience negative outcomes, as there is no physical touching involved; however, this does not account for the emotional harm to victims (Kuhlmann & Aurén, 2015; Terre des Hommes, 2013a). Brown (2016) states that live-streaming CSA may affect a child’s emotional and physical development, impacting their ability to form relationships and increasing the risk of becoming further involved in sex work and becoming abusers themselves. Terre des Hommes (2013b) concurs that harm to victims is substantial and is consistent with contact offenses. While the long-term impacts around the live-streaming of CSA are unknown, the impact of CSA has been well documented (Gill, 2021; Merten, 2020). Studies on the impacts of CSA have shown that children can have delays in cognitive development (Barrera et al., 2013), as well as issues with mental health which can include depression and anxiety and, in some instances, posttraumatic stress disorder (Cashmore & Shackel, 2013; Lindert et al., 2014; Wurtele, 2009). Long-term effects can include issues with physical, psychological, social, and economic wellbeing (Blakemore et al., 2017; Cashmore & Shackel, 2013) as well as vicarious trauma on the suvivors’ families and communities (Blakemore et al., 2017).

In one study, the impacts specific to victims involved in the live-streaming of CSA were documented (see Terre des Hommes, 2013b). Children reported feeling ashamed, worthless, contaminated, fearful of being caught and arrested, and being concerned for their reputation and their family’s reputation (Masri, 2015; Terre des Hommes, 2013b). There were added complexities of family-run webcam sex operations with children reporting conflicting ideas about their parents, particularly if the parents were arrested and the children were called as witnesses (Terre des Hommes, 2013b; Masri, 2015). While some effects on victims have been documented, further studies are required to ascertain the long-term effects regarding the live-streaming of CSA.

Conclusion

While live-streaming has made our lives simpler in many respects, there can be a very dark side to this technology for some users. With the continual development of technology, there is potential for the ongoing proliferation of the live-streaming of CSA. While we know this form of abuse is in high demand (Terre des Hommes, 2013a) and is even considered by Europol (2016) to be a key threat in the area of child sexual exploitation, little is actually known about this form of abusive behavior. As this field is still in the early stages of gathering data and knowledge (Drejer et al., 2023) the current paper offered a stop gap of the current research on CSA live-streaming. In doing so, we covered: where geographically CSA live-streaming appears to mostly occur; the technological and legal barriers in detecting and prosecuting the behavior; what we know about viewers; what we know about facilitators; and the victims of CSA live-streaming and the impact of the abuse on the victims.

While it appears that CSA live-streaming is most prominent in the Philippines and other developing countries, it must be acknowledged that this finding might simply have emerged as most of the data stems from the Philippines (Drejer et al., 2023). Drejer et al. (2023, p.10) question whether CSA live-streaming actually occurs mostly in the Philippines or “if we are seeing the tip of the iceberg of a globally widespread issue,” highlighting the need for prevalence studies in other geographical locations. The research on technological and legal barriers suggests that live-streaming will continue to present challenges until there is greater collaboration between law enforcement and industry along with harmonized legislation at a global level.

It was interesting to find that offenders appear to be a homogenous group. Most viewers did not have a criminal history and were typically aged between 50 and 69 years (Brown et al., 2020), which is significantly older than CSAM and contact offenders. This could, therefore, have implications for prevention strategies and responses. To provide one example for prevention, pop-up warning messages have been found to be a cost-effective and valuable strategy to deter individuals from accessing CSAM (Prichard et al., 2022) and there may be merit in pop-up warning messages potentially being applied in cases of CSA live-streaming. With what we know about viewer age, the warning messages could therefore be written to best target this offending group (50–69 years e.g., deterring individuals from spending early retirement years in prison). We also highlighted the need for further research into the potential for escalation amongst this group of offenders.

Regarding facilitators, while they too appear to be a homogenous group of offenders, research has found them to mostly be female and relatives (Napier et al., 2021b). This highlights the highly entwined nature of the facilitator(s) and victim(s). The victims of CSA live-streaming mostly appear to be girls aged 13 years and under (IWF, 2018). This research particularly underlines the gendered nature of victimisation of this type of crime. While the impacts of live-streaming CSA are still in their infancy, the long-term impacts of CSA have been well documented. There also appear to be added complexities to the impacts specific to the live-streaming of CSA of family-run webcam sex operations, again, due to this entwined relationship between the parent(s) and the child(ren). This synthesis highlights the need for research on the long-term effects of this type of offending on victims.

We recognize one major limitation of the current paper is that it did not conduct a systematic review and that at present, there is no defined method available that uses rigorous approaches in non-systematic reviews (Dicks et al., 2017). We therefore acknowledge that the current paper does not offer a completely unbiased, rigorous, and comprehensive assessment of the literature like one might see when following formal systematic review methods (Dicks et al., 2017), but the field is still too premature to conduct a review of this level as the literature is still in the early stages of development. As future work, we are willing to conduct such a review when the research is available. We argue that the current synthesis still advances this underdeveloped field along with its contribution of suggested areas for future research and implications. In doing so, it offers timely and critical knowledge for research, policy, and practice professionals across criminology, psychology, and law disciplines who are concerned about understanding, preventing, and responding to this form of sexual offending against some of our most vulnerable populations.