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The Dialectic of Representation: Black Freemasonry, the Black Public, and Black Historiography

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Abstract

The investment of African American Freemasonry in abolition, respectability, and literacy reflected an anxious intersection between dissent and incorporation. Furthermore, although the first black lodge represented a small and self-selected group, black Masonic thought described black identity in the broadest descriptive and discursive terms. In seeming paradox, the desire of black Freemasons to be respectable also reflected their demand for recognition as a function of abolitionism and historiographical revision. In consequence, the earliest African American lodge of Freemasons labored to occupy two opposing positions simultaneously, that of a counterpublic and that of a universal public. This essay examines this tension to argue that the same traits that made black Freemasonry unique and novel—its narrow self-selection, its abolitionist origins, and its arguments in print—also structured its conscious drive to represent African Americans in debates about freedom, racial equality, and Masonic history.

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Notes

  1. For a useful examination of the varied usages of the term cosmopolitan and how it relates to other categories like diaspora, nation, and state, see Cheah and Robbins (1998). The scholarship on eighteenth-century Anglo-cosmopolitanism is interwoven with literature that identifies and explores various Atlantic worlds. For examples that interweave discussions of cosmopolitanism and various Atlantic worlds, see Gilroy (1993), Bailyn (1996), Steele (1986), Solow (1991), and Carwardine (1978).

  2. For recent work on the importance of class to understanding issues of status, economic inequality, community consciousness, and social and political activism, see Middleton and Smith (2008) and Nash (2005).

  3. In addition to ties between Philadelphia and Boston, this letter suggests a series of networks that might have allowed Black Masons in the north to spread the Craft among former slaves in the mid-Atlantic and southern states.

  4. While Belknap’s summary reveals one avenue traveled by gradual emancipation, in fact, this phenomenon occurred in several different ways. Scholars have identified several sources of northern gradual emancipation, including a general moral and religious uneasiness with slavery manifested in increasing private manumissions, legal action arising out of increased slave activism and a heightened concern about rights, changing political and legal definitions of freedom arising from evangelical and democratic sources, and growing public debate and discussion about slavery. Current debates about the origins and effect of public opinion revolve around issues of access to mechanisms of public expression, where publics can be understood to be several different things: enclosed architectural spaces, social associations, physically proximate individuals or groups, imagined social collectives, and networks of travel and communication.

  5. Building on or reacting to the work of Habermas regarding the development of a public sphere in the eighteenth century, scholars also disagree among themselves about the meaning and significance of something called the public sphere (Habermas 1965; Forum: Alternative Histories of the Public Sphere 2005; Breen 1997, 70; Sweet 2003, 227; Wood 1993, 364–366; Brooks 2003, 137–138). Where Wood and Breen understood public opinion as a mechanism that adopted and amplified competing arguments, Sweet viewed public opinion as sentiment, defining it relative to “specific strains of humanitarian sensibility—attuned more to questions of innocence, the ‘natural affections’ among families, and cruelty than to questions of equality or even liberty” (Sweet 2003, 227).

  6. The idea of liberation historiography is helpful because it allows for an examination of a Black intellectual tradition that is invested in challenging certain premises of the racial hegemonic order while simultaneously absorbing parts of this ideological system. However, this analysis differs from that Ernest, given that Ernest examines Black Freemasonry more in terms of its opposition to dominant discourses rather than as the result of a dialectical tension between exclusive and representative leadership. In addition, Ernest builds the analytical category of liberation historiography upon the work of the theologian James Cone; however, this raises a question about whether using Cone’s theological hermeneutics of historiography raises questions of anachronism (Cone 1969, 1989).

  7. The Grand Lodge of London reprinted the work of Anderson until 1784 (Hamill 1986, 17).

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Acknowledgments

I thank the anonymous readers of the Journal of African American Studies, the staff of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the following for their support and their critical insights: Jason Ambroise, Amor Kohli, John Karam, Mark Hauser, and Kalyani Menon.

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Sesay, C.M. The Dialectic of Representation: Black Freemasonry, the Black Public, and Black Historiography. J Afr Am St 17, 380–398 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12111-013-9250-9

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