Introduction

Police officers are required to be resolute in their duties. Officers are called to stressful events (e.g., homicides, assaults, rapes, crimes against children) and are required to be stoic and decisive. At headquarters, officers face equally disturbing organizational stressors from bureaucratic policies and procedures that change with each high-profile police action. The police uniform and the authority it represents function as a personal protective layer for officers on duty. Once they remove the uniform, officers still wear the primary and secondary traumas of operational stress and the primary stressors of organizational stress. To help officers recover from stress, agencies offer various formal stress relief programs, e.g., chaplaincy, employee assistance programs, and peer support programs. Formal stress relief programs (SRP) have been met with great resistance by rank-and-file police officers. Fears, spread by gossip and anecdotes, make officers afraid of seeking help. This fear, also called stigma, against mental health services has perpetuated a crisis of officers refusing mental health services to their detriment (Hakik and Langlois 2020; Velazquez and Hernandez 2019). 

Individual law enforcement officers’ responsibility to protect their community comes at a high cost. In contrast to many other occupations, law enforcement personnel are subjected to remarkable levels of stress, trauma, and the unpredictability of everyday events (Galanis et al. 2020; Patterson 1992; Spielberger et al. 1981; Violanti 1983; Violanti and Aron 1994). The demands of officers’ daily duties frequently test their mental toughness, from handling hectic calls for service to dealing with tragedy and public scrutiny. This reality calls for a targeted strategy to counteract the negative impacts of these workplace stressors and prioritize officer mental health.

Police Stress

Until the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, law enforcement suicide was the highest killer of police officers (Boydstun and Wells 2023). According to First HELP, Inc., also known as Blue HELP, a non-profit group dedicated to assisting current and former law enforcement, the five-year average (2016–2020) of police suicides was approximately 185 police suicides per year (First HELP 2021). During this same period (2016–2020), an average of 53 officers per year were feloniously killed, and an average of 48 were accidentally killed each year (FBI 2021). Police suicides accounted for three times the number of officers killed per year by felonious means (First HELP 2021; FBI 2021). Accurate reporting of law enforcement-connected suicides has been informal, requiring affected families and agencies to report such deaths. To accurately track and identify the lead causes of suicide among police officers, the US 116th Congress enacted the Law Enforcement Suicide Data Collection Act on June 16, 2020, directing the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) (2021) to track law enforcement suicides (Law Enforcement Suicide Data Collection Act 2020).

Suicide is an extreme outcome of stress. In police work, stress is the primary mode under which officers operate (Padilla 2020; Spielberger et al. 1981; Violanti and Aron 1994; Violanti et al. 2016, 2019). Although the number of suicides is a novel gauge to determine the overall mental health of the system, it is not the most accurate (Stuart 2008). Law enforcement stress left unresolved can lead to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), job burnout, absenteeism, poor enforcement decision-making (e.g., excessive force), illegal substance abuse, domestic violence, and personal health risks (Avdija 2014; Bishopp et al. 2020; Can and Hendy 2014). Stress-related issues that translate to poor job performance could lead to discipline, including termination. At the time of this research, there were no comprehensive databases to track discipline information throughout the USA. Consequently, on May 25, 2022, Federal Executive Order (E.O.) 14074 was signed, creating a database to catalog police misconduct and discipline (E.O. 14074 2022). In addition to tracking misconduct-related discipline, E.O. 14,074 called for greater resources for officer wellness. Coupling police wellness and misconduct in the same order is no coincidence as there is a dearth of information discussing police stress and police misconduct (Bishopp et al. 2020; Donner et al. 2016; Violanti et al. 2016; Violanti et al. 2019).

Police stress has been documented through research since the mid-1970s (Malloy and Mays 1984; Reiser 1974). During the initial surveys on police stress conducted in the 1980s, officers identified incidents involving violence against persons with the highest rank and frequency for stress causation (Spielberger et al. 1981; Violanti and Aron 1994). Although responding to violent events remained the highest-ranking stressor in current studies, organizational stress factors increased in rank and frequency compared to earlier studies. Shift work, poor supervision, lack of promotional opportunities, and poor relationships ranked in the top 10 police stressors (Edwards et al. 2021; Violanti et al. 2019). This evolution of stressors could be attributed to a myriad of reasons, such as agency-specific dynamics and/or the evolving nature of law enforcement.

Previous studies also determined that police experience varying levels of stress at different times throughout their police career (Patterson 1992; Violanti 1983). Officers in the first (rookie) years of policing experience less stress than in later years. Both researchers attribute these lower stress levels to job excitement. As officers progress toward the middle of their careers, stress levels increase. It has been noted that this stress coincides with life events such as marriage, children, and aging families. As officers end their careers, research has demonstrated lower overall stress. Researchers cite multiple reasons for this later decline. One possible explanation posited was that those officers under extreme stress in the middle years possibly quit or were terminated, thus reducing the number of officers under stress (Patterson 1992; Violanti 1983). Violanti (1983) originally named this arcing pattern, the curvilinear pattern of police stress. Due to the historical predominance of White males in US police agencies, these stress studies were conducted primarily on homogenous populations. The level to which demographics would have affected these quantitative studies on police stress is unknown (Patterson 1992; Violanti 1983).

Scholars have focused on the diversification of law enforcement and stress. Non-White and female officers have shared their unique perspectives on police stress in multiple qualitative studies. Female officers identified new stressors not previously documented by their male counterparts, such as the dichotomy of family life and police work (Duxbury and Halinski 2018). Female officers reported greater stress from needing to “prove themselves” professionally and still serving as the primary caregivers for their families. The need to take on additional duties to prove worth developed the theory of “tokenism” among non-White male officers (Stroshine and Brandl 2011). Female officers were not alone in expressing these newer organizational stressors—minority officers also reported higher organizational stressors than operational ones (Bishopp et al. 2020; Duxbury and Halinski 2018; Repasky et al. 2020). These organizational stressors came from interpersonal relationships with non-minority colleagues, tokenism, and behaviors the respondents felt were microaggressions based on race (Repasky et al. 2020; Stroshine and Brandl 2011). Although stress has been studied to determine differences in demographics, research on coping and stress relief for both female officers and minority officers is scant.

Stress Relief Programs

Stress relief is not limited to formalized programs. Police cope with job-related stress on a broad spectrum, positively (adaptive) and negatively (maladaptive). Those who cope positively through exercise, proper dieting, faith, meditation, and/or appropriate communication skills have demonstrated greater resiliency to police stress (Agnew 1992; Avdija 2014). Officers who negatively cope with alcohol, sexual deviance (high-risk sexual activity), or other substance abuse may develop further maladaptive professional behaviors. These maladaptive behaviors to cope with police stress can translate to poor decision-making. In the extreme, poor decision-making can lead to rude conduct or excessive force complaints. Sustained complaints for misconduct can range from training to rehabilitative services (for substance abuse), suspension, and finally, termination (Bishopp et al. 2020). Not every officer is the same in terms of work experience or stress-coping management. As more evidence demonstrates the correlation between stress and misconduct, police agencies and municipalities offer various stress relief programs to enforce positive coping. These departments aim to provide programs to relieve stress and develop programs to teach positive coping mechanisms (Ramchand et al. 2018).

Employee Assistance Programs

Employee assistance programs (EAP) are recognized as an employer’s more formal SRP. EAPs are traditionally employer-funded counseling services offered to employees. These programs were a product of the organized labor movements of the early twentieth century and were initially maintained as a means of substance abuse prevention (Gilbert 1994; Masi 1984, 2021). The benefit of an EAP is that it is confidential and cost-free to the employee. Eventually, the early twentieth-century programs evolved from alcohol prevention to illicit drug prevention. Between the 1970s and 1980s, EAP grew exponentially to meet the needs of private and public employers (Gilbert 1994; Masi 1984; Sharar 2021). In modern usage, EAPs focus on all areas of stress that may prevent an employee from performing their job. EAP therapists and counselors will assist employees, and in some cases, the employee’s family, through a wide range of issues (Donnelly et al. 2015; Drew and Martin 2021). Although EAPs were not initially created for police work, their use has been deemed helpful in reducing officers’ stress levels (Ramchand et al. 2018).

Chaplaincy Programs

Although not originally designed as a stress relief program (SRP), one of the earlier services offered to officers was chaplaincy programs. Chaplains have been officially part of Christian ministry and military ranks since the eighth century (Collins 1998). In the USA, chaplains were initially associated with the military. Chaplains served a role in the Continental Army in the Revolutionary War (Crowder 2017). As policing became a formal paramilitary profession in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, chaplains were incorporated to offer faith services to officers (e.g., death notifications/funerals). In some jurisdictions, police chaplaincy programs date back over 100 years (Gouse 2016). This accompaniment of religious figures in modern times provides officers with a spiritual guide in times of need. As diversity increased, the chaplain title and position moved from strictly Judeo-Christian denominations to other faiths. Because of the increased diversity in some police agencies, multiple chaplains represent different faiths (Bharath 2007). Incorporating chaplains of various religions is a positive move to expand stress relief services beyond the original Judeo-Christian perspective.

Peer Support Programs

Peer support programs are the most modern advancement in SRP. Compared to chaplaincy Programs and EAPs, peer support programs are relatively new to police departments. A peer support program is a quasi-confidential program designed for individuals to listen to one another after stressful events. For police, a peer supporter is simply another officer trained in active listening and peer support program confidentiality expectations (Hale 2020; Milliard 2020). Peer supporters are neither therapists nor clergy; they have limited confidentiality compared to EAP and chaplaincy programs. For example, if a peer supporter is told of criminal behavior or violent abuse, that peer supporter is required to disclose such information to protect other individuals. The belief that a peer support program is an acceptable form of stress relief is based on the assumption that a peer supporter with similar experiences in stress and police-related activities will better understand another officer in time of need. Presumably, the peer supporters involved in the program are trained in personal wellness and are not in crisis themselves when assisting fellow officers (Creamer et al. 2012). This program is currently trending with research to determine its effectiveness (Hale 2020; Milliard 2020; Ramchand et al. 2018).

Stigma

Throughout most research on police stress, stigma is a concurrent theme preventing officers from seeking stress or mental help (Drew and Martin 2021; Hale 2020; Soomro and Yanos 2019; Thoen et al. 2020). When asked about stigma, police officers surveyed claim that police culture propagates resistance to seeking help (Drew and Martin 2021; Soomro and Yanos 2019). Soomro and Yanos (2019) suggest that such stigmatization results from police cultural values, such as self-reliance, distrust of outsiders, and toughness. Police are supposed to be “tough” and “manly.” However, as demographics have changed, the police culture of toughness has remained unchanged. Notably, female officers report the need to be or at least appear tough (Cordner 2017; Perez-Floriano and Gonzalez 2019; Westmarland 2017). Research on help-seeking behavior and the role of stigma in utilizing SRPs based on police demographics is limited (Drew and Martin 2021; Soomoro and Yanos 2019).

Few studies have explored the complex relationship between mental health stigma and service utilization in policing. Existing research suggests a mixed picture: while exposure to mental health services (Bloodgood 2005) or peer support programs (Goldstein 2002) might reduce stigma, socialized attitudes and contextual factors remain significant barriers (Wester et al. 2010). Simply promoting the benefits of counseling may not be enough to overcome these profoundly ingrained issues and translate them into actual help-seeking behavior (Wester et al. 2010). Therefore, effective interventions need to go beyond awareness campaigns and grapple with the deeper social and cultural factors that prevent police officers from seeking the mental health support they need.

Confidentiality

Confidentiality is paramount to successful stress relief. Police officer culture demands that officers “suck it up” and refrain from showing weakness (Hakik and Langlois 2020). Therefore, it is essential for voluntary stress relief sessions to be confidential (Newell et al. 2022). However, fear of confidentiality breaches and negative career consequences are major deterrents for police officers seeking mental health support. Officers worry that seeking help could expose their struggles and lead to gossip or damage their reputations (Haugen et al. 2017; Karafa and Tochkov 2013; Newell et al. 2022). Additionally, officers may fear potential consequences like losing their firearm or being taken off active duty for seeking mental health assistance (Haugen et al. 2017; Karafa and Tochkov 2013; Tomasulo 2015). Concerns about confidentiality may hinder officers from accessing crucial support despite the potential benefits for their mental and emotional well-being.

Formal stress relief programs have built-in legal confidentiality measures. Chaplains and therapists enjoy legal protection, preventing them from disclosing information unless specific legal issues arise. This penitent-clergy and doctor-patient protection provides officers with a safety blanket of legal confidentiality protection (California Evidence Code 2023). Peer support programs across the USA have different levels of confidentiality. Although peer support sessions are promised to be confidential, there is no widespread legal privilege protecting communication. Recent legal efforts in some states, such as CA, have offered a legal right for those peer supporters who have undergone specific training (California Government Code 2021). That, however, is an exception and not the norm.

Police Demographics

Police demographics have shifted in the past 50 years. During the mid-2000 century, the prototypical police officer was White and male. During the latter part of the century, police agencies sought to diversify their ranks with non-White and female officers. Although agencies have made great strides to increase the number of non-White officers, agencies still struggle to increase the number of female recruits. During the 2020s, there has been a concerted effort to increase the female officer population to 30 percent of any police agency, specifically by 2030. Commercially, this effort is known as the 30 × 30 Initiative (30 × 30 n.d.).

There is a gap between police demographics and police stress relief studies. Original police stress studies were conducted when agencies were primarily White and male. Although there have been additional stress studies to bridge this gap throughout the years, very few studies have focused on formal SRP utilization and police demographics.

Data and Methods

The study sample was drawn from active sworn police officers in a large (1000 +) police department in CA. We selected this police department because it was in one of the most diverse counties in the USA, and commensurately, the demographic makeup of the agency’s police officers was equally diverse. In September, 2022, paper surveys were administered to officers during daily briefings, and time was provided to complete the survey. A total of 311 officers completed the survey. Only those who met the inclusion criteria of knowledge that their department offered SRPs and a basic understanding of the role of stress relief programs were included in the study. Previous participation in a stress relief program was not a requirement for participation. The final sample size was 247.

Dependent Variables

For the first research question: Do police officers’ perceptions about stigma influence their likelihood to use SRPs? The dependent variable was the likelihood of participating in an SRP. Officers were asked: “Would you consider using a stress relief program now or in the future if need be?” A large majority of the officers (89.47%) reported that they would consider using an SRP if necessary.

For the second research question: Do police officers’ perceptions about stigma influence their decisions regarding which type of SRP they would utilize? The dependent variable was a categorical variable of three types of SRPs. Officers were asked: “If you had to choose to participate in a department-provided stress relief program in the future, please rank your order of preference: employee assistance program, chaplaincy, and peer support program.” Most of the officers reported that an EAP (34.82%) was their first choice if selecting an SRP, followed by chaplaincy programs (30.77%, n = 76) and peer support programs (30.36%, n = 75).

Independent Variables

Two independent variables were used to measure stigma. The first related to coworker perceptions: “I think my coworkers will view me differently for utilizing SRP.” A five-item scale with higher values indicated greater concern that coworkers would view them differently. Most officers (43.72%, n = 108) disagreed that their coworkers would view them differently. The average response was 2.13.

The second stigma variable related to supervisor perceptions: “I think my supervisors will view me differently for utilizing SRP.” A five-item scale was provided with higher values indicating that supervisors would view them differently. Most of the officers (43.72%, n = 108) disagreed that their supervisors would view them differently. The average response was 2.11.

Control Variables

First, we controlled for prior experience with utilizing SRPs. Officers were asked: “Have you ever utilized a stress relief program (SRP) such as peer support, employee assistance, or the chaplaincy?” The majority of the officers (64.37%) reported that they had never utilized an SRP, while 35.63% stated that they had. We also assessed officer belief in the confidentiality of the SRP process. One question assessed officer confidence in SRP confidentiality: “I believe the SRP process to be confidential.” A five-item scale with higher values indicated a greater belief that the SRP process was confidential. About 38.87% of the respondents agreed that the process was confidential. The average response was 3.75.

In order to control for individual characteristics, we included five demographic variables. Officers were asked, “What was your sex assigned at birth?” Options included Male, Female, and Prefer not to answer/disclose. The majority of the officers were male (86.64%, n = 214), and 13.36% were female (n = 33). Male was selected as the referent. Respondents were asked about their race and provided eight options: Black or African American, Asian, White/Caucasian, Hispanic/Latino, Middle Eastern, Native American or Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, Mixed Race, and Other. Most of the officers were White (43.72%, n = 108). Approximately 30% of the officers were Hispanic (n = 76), followed by Asian (12.15%, n = 30). Due to low representation in the other six categories, they were combined into an Other category (13.36%, n = 33). White was the referent. See Table 1 for further details. Officers were also asked about the highest level of education they had completed. The vast majority of officers reported that they had obtained a bachelor’s degree (63.56%, n = 157).

Table 1 Descriptive statistics (n = 247)
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Two variables were used to control for occupational characteristics: rank and years of experience. Rank officers were also asked: “How many years of experience do you have as a police officer in any department?” Most officers reported being an officer for 0–5 years (40.89%, n = 101). Finally, participants were asked to indicate their rank in the department. The majority of respondents were officers (72.47%, n = 179), followed by sergeants (17.81%, n = 44) and command staff (9.72%, n = 24).

Results

Model 1

First, a binary logistic regression was conducted to address the first research question: Do police officers’ perceptions about stigma influence their likelihood to use SRPs? Table 2 provides the results for the likelihood of utilizing an SRP. The overall model was significant, χ2(14) = 34.50, p = 0.002, indicating that the model explained a significant amount of variation. VIFS were less than 4.5, below the threshold of 5, indicating that multicollinearity was not a concern (Menard 2009).

Table 2 Binary logistic regression
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Four variables were significant predictors of the likelihood of participating in an SRP. First, coworker stigma significantly predicted the likelihood of SRP participation (b =  − 0.71, OR = 0.49, p = 0.039). As officers’ concern that coworkers would view them differently increased, the odds of participating in an SRP decreased by approximately 50.87%. However, supervisor stigma was not significant (b = 0.42, OR = 1.52, p = 0.232). Having previously utilized an SRP was significant (b = 2.87, OR = 17.66, p = 0.007). In comparison to officers who have not previously used an SRP, those who responded that they had utilized SRPs had significantly higher odds of reporting they would utilize an SRP. Utilizing an SRP increases the odds of participating in an SRP by approximately 1665.73%. Finally, the belief that the SRP process was confidential was significant (b = 0.45, OR = 1.57, p = 0.014, indicating that as confidence in the process increased, the odds of participating in an SRP increased by approximately 57.34%. None of the personal or occupational demographics significantly influenced the likelihood of participation in an SRP.

Model 2

A multinomial logistic regression was conducted to address the second research question: Do police officers’ perceptions about stigma influence their decisions regarding which type of SRP they would utilize? Table 3 details the results for the models that predict officers’ first choice of an SRP. Chaplaincy and peer support programs were compared with employee assistance programs (the reference category). The overall model was significant, χ2 (28) = 47.11, p = 0.013, indicating that the model explained a significant effect on the odds of observing the first choice for an SRP relative to EAP. VIFS were less than 3.5, below the threshold of 5, indicating that multicollinearity was not a concern (Menard 2009).

Table 3 Multinomial regression results predicting first choice of SRP compared with EAPs
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Prior use of an SRP was the only significant predictor of officers’ first choice in utilizing an SRP. For the respondents that had previously participated in an SRP, there was a 68.11% decrease in the odds of selecting chaplaincy as their first choice relative to an EAP, as compared to those who had not utilized an SRP (b =  − 1.14, SE = 0.37, p = 0.002). Likewise, for officers who had previously participated in an SRP, there was a 59.63% decrease in the odds of selecting peer support as their first choice relative to an EAP, as compared to those who had not utilized an SRP (b =  − 0.91, SE = 0.37, p = 0.015). Neither of the stigma variables was a significant predictor of officer preference for utilizing an SRP. Unlike in model 1, the confidential process was not a predictor for the first choice in selecting an SRP. Additionally, as before, none of the individual or occupational characteristics were significant predictors.

Discussion and Conclusion

While there have been advances in addressing the mental health of the policing community, concerns of stigma and confidentiality are barriers to the likelihood of officers seeking help (Drew and Martin 2021; Haugen et al. 2017; Newell et al. 2022; Wheeler et al. 2018). The aim of this study was to assess the role of stigma, both peer and supervisor, and confidentiality in officer utilization of SRPs and the selection of a specific SRP while also accounting for officer demographics.

First, our findings revealed that almost 90% of the respondents stated they would utilize an SRP and that over 35% had already utilized some form of SRP. This information is encouraging as it exceeds what we have seen in prior research (Drew and Martin 2021). Second, regarding officer likelihood of utilizing an SRP, the stigma concerning coworker perceptions reduces the likelihood of utilization. These findings support prior research illustrating that perceived stigma is a barrier to seeking help (Drew and Martin 2021). Our study looked beyond stigma as a singular concept to decipher perceived stigma from coworkers and supervisors. Interestingly, perceived supervisor stigma is not a significant factor in officer utilization of SRPs, whereas perceived peer stigma was. However, while stigma plays a role in officer utilization of an SRP, it does not appear to influence which SRP the officer selects.

Third, confidence in the confidentiality of the SRP process increases the likelihood of officer participation. However, as with perceived stigma, confidentiality is only impactful at the utilization stage of decision-making, as it is not a factor in selecting which SRP to utilize. Confidentiality is an area where agencies can focus on developing policies and exhibiting to officers an environment that respects confidentiality and prioritizes mental health.

Fourth, we found that having utilized an SRP in the past increases the likelihood of utilization. Prior utilization was the only significant factor when it came to selecting which SRP to use. It is likely that officers who have already utilized SPRs are comfortable with engaging with stress relief programs, and concerns of perceived stigma and confidentiality are no longer an issue. Police agencies can further encourage officer participation and the destigmatization of seeking help through the support of those who have previously utilized it. Engaging those who have had successful or positive experiences to share how they have benefited from SRPs could increase the likelihood of participation by those who may have reservations.

Finally, we found that none of the individual or occupational factors are predictors of either officer utilization of SRPs or selection of a particular SRP. While this contradicts general stigma help-seeking behaviors (Min 2019), the barriers to officers may be driven by the police culture rather than individual factors.

The current study was limited by the sample. Convenience sampling of one organization has drawbacks in generalizability to all US police agencies. Along these lines, multi-site research would help assess whether perceived stigma and confidentiality vary by police organization. Looking forward, our findings suggest areas for future research to improve program effectiveness. For example, more research is needed to understand why some officers hesitate to utilize these programs. Specifically, this research could consider the gap between officers who might benefit from SRPs and those who actually participate. Additionally, there is a need for research utilizing more diverse populations, including groups such as Asians and LGBTQ officers, to understand their specific experiences with SRPs and potential stigmas related to mental health support. Finally, there is a need to explore the core need for confidentiality among officers. A deeper understanding of this could lead to better preparation for critical incidents and trauma, along with more effective interventions following such exposures. Ultimately, this could improve officer recruitment, retention, and overall well-being.

These results also have policy implications. The study suggests that police departments should concentrate on building trusting relationships with their officers, clarifying confidentiality policies, and encouraging peer support from past SRP participants to reduce stigma and increase program utilization. Clearly defined and legally enforceable confidentiality policies are crucial. Officers must be assured that seeking help through an SRP will not jeopardize their careers or assignments. Additionally, departments can develop SRPs that minimize the collection of identifiable officer data. Instead, they should focus on program participation rates, effectiveness metrics, and overall well-being improvements without compromising individual privacy.

Along with confidentiality, policy should also consider accessibility and program growth. Funding sources (e.g., city governments, federal funding) should allocate funding to establish and maintain diverse SRPs across various agencies and ensure these programs are accessible regardless of department size. At the department level, taking measures to provide resources and support across all shifts would improve program accessibility. Investing in programs that prevent or moderate the impacts of trauma can serve to recruit and retain well-regulated law enforcement professionals.

In conclusion, this study provides valuable information about the role of stigma, confidentiality, and prior utilization in officer help-seeking behaviors. This research provides valuable information for police departments and researchers to improve officer mental health and program effectiveness. By addressing the identified gaps and implementing the suggested strategies, police forces can create a culture of well-being that supports officers throughout their careers.