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Should We Stay or Should We Go? A Critical Review of Journey-to-Crime Research

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Abstract

Our collective understanding of criminal mobility relies almost exclusively on journey-to-crime research, which focuses on the distances traveled by offenders from their homes to the location of their crimes. In this article, we ask whether the theoretical relevance and the methodological validity underlying the journey-to-crime measurement are sufficient for it to continue to be a leading influence in the field of environmental criminology. Based on a critical review of the foundations of journey-to-crime research, we argue that while the interest in the journey-to-crime measurement is understandable, there are better ways to assess criminal mobility. Some likely misleading implicit presuppositions and methodological biases are identified, and the manner in which they affect our comprehension of criminal mobility is discussed. We suggest that a better understanding of criminal mobility would come from complementing journey-to-crime with new and more refined measures. Implications for future studies are proposed.

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Notes

  1. For Rossmo (2000), however, the hunter is an offender who bases the search for a victim exclusively on their own home, whereas the poacher is an offender who situates the search for a victim on an activity site other than their home or who travels to another city during the foraging process.

  2. It is however true that the expected “distance-after-crime” and the potential fatigue induced by the distance already covered could have an impact on the criminal involvement decision of opportunists. Consider, for example, an offender who, after traveling 5 mi on their way to work, encounters an attractive criminal opportunity (e.g., an unguarded apartment to burgle). Although the 5 mi already traveled to the location of the opportunity will have no impact on the decision to commit the burglary, the engendered weariness and the estimated distance that must be traveled afterwards with the loot (not necessarily a 5-mi trip) might.

  3. It should be noted, however, that 37.5% of crack users in Pettiway’s (1995) sample were homeless.

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Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank Eric Beauregard and the late Carlo Morselli for their feedback on previous versions of this article.

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The author did not receive support from any organization for the submitted work.

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Correspondence to Patrick Michaud.

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Michaud, P. Should We Stay or Should We Go? A Critical Review of Journey-to-Crime Research. J Police Crim Psych 38, 914–930 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-023-09618-x

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11896-023-09618-x

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